As was foretold, we've added advertisements to the forums! If you have questions, or if you encounter any bugs, please visit this thread: https://forums.penny-arcade.com/discussion/240191/forum-advertisement-faq-and-reports-thread/
Options

Chinese Communist Party Elders Call for Reform

DarkCrawlerDarkCrawler Registered User regular
edited October 2010 in Debate and/or Discourse
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-11529920
Chinese veteran politicians call for reform

A group of 23 Communist Party elders in China has written a letter calling for an end to the country's restrictions on freedom of speech.

The letter says freedom of expression is promised in the Chinese constitution but not allowed in practice.


They want people to be able to freely express themselves on the internet and want more respect for journalists.

The call comes just days after the Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo was awarded this year's Nobel Peace Prize.

Mr Liu was sent to prison for 11 years in 2009 for expressing his desire to see peaceful political change in China.

The letter's release also comes ahead of a key party meeting that is expected to promote future leaders and shape policy for the next few years.

Specific demands

The authors of the letter describe China's current censorship system as a scandal and an embarrassment.

Many who signed the letter were once influential officials.

One author is a former personal secretary to the revolutionary leader Mao Zedong and a former editor of the official People's Daily newspaper.


They make eight specific demands - all designed to enhance Chinese people's right to express themselves in public.

They say people who lived in Hong Kong while it was still a British colony enjoyed more freedom than is currently allowed in mainland China.

The letter is addressed to the National People's Congress, China's parliament.

It was widely available on the internet - although it has already been taken down from many websites.

The Demands are:

Dismantle system where media organisations are all tied to higher authorities

Respect journalists, accept their social status

Revoke ban on cross-province supervision by public opinion

Abolish cyber-police; control Web administrators' ability to delete/post items at will

Confirm citizens' right to know crimes and mistakes committed by ruling party

Launch pilot projects to support citizen-owned media organisations

Allow media and publications from Hong Kong and Macau to be openly distributed

Change the mission of propaganda authorities, from preventing the leak of information to facilitating its accurate and timely spread


Anyone think anything will come out of this? Big calls for change are already few and far between, and they are even rarer coming from Communist Party members, especially influential ones. While I don't think any of these guys are in charge anymore, this is still pretty big, especially when combined with the recent Nobel Peace Prize uproar which probably has the Party on it's toes.

I guess this could be general discussion about China's human rights as well. Will the next generation of leadership change it? Do they have a choice with the standard of living and China's position in the world rising?

DarkCrawler on
«1

Posts

  • Options
    FagatronFagatron Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    On the one hand if this comes to fruition it will be bad for the US's current status as top world power because it will lead to a happier China.

    On the other hand if China can get their shit together maybe they can do better than the US at leading the world.

    I hope something comes of it, and it sounds like a pretty big deal, but I'm not going to hold my breath on any real reform considering their letter is already being censored.

    Fagatron on
  • Options
    surrealitychecksurrealitycheck lonely, but not unloved dreaming of faulty keys and latchesRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    It's very, very hard for a government like the Chinese one to relinquish that kind of control.

    surrealitycheck on
    obF2Wuw.png
  • Options
    SamSam Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Former secretary to Mao? They had to dethrone his ass and only paraded him around because it would traumatize the populace to see God get shitcanned. (Maybe also because he was a war hero before he became a Famine hero)
    I don't see how making his coffee and running a newspaper that has no competition distinguishes you very much.

    I'm not sure who else is in on this, but it's not going to get anywhere unless someone with real clout backs it.

    which I doubt will happen; restricting freedoms makes your job considerably easier.

    oh, and before anyone else goes for the obvious joke- is this story getting coverage in the chinese media?

    Sam on
  • Options
    ronyaronya Arrrrrf. the ivory tower's basementRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    A translation:
    [CORRECTION: It is premature to conclude that this letter has any connection whatsoever to Liu Xiaobo's Nobel Prize. The letter is dated October 1, one week before the announcement from the Nobel Committee.]

    Enforce Article 35 of China’s Constitution, Abolish Censorship and Realize Citizens’ Right to Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Press: A Letter to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress

    Written by Li Rui (李锐), Hu Jiwei (胡绩伟) and others
    Dated: October 11, 2010

    Dear members of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress:

    Article 35 of China’s Constitution as adopted in 1982 clearly states that: “Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration.” For 28 years this article has stood unrealized, having been negated by detailed rules and regulations for “implementation.” This false democracy of formal avowal and concrete denial has become a scandalous mark on the history of world democracy.

    On February 26, 2003, at a meeting of democratic consultation between the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and democratic parties [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_political_parties_in_the_People's_Republic_of_China], not long after President Hu Jintao (胡锦涛) assumed office, he stated clearly: “The removal of restrictions on the press, and the opening up of public opinion positions, is a mainstream view and demand held by society; it is natural, and should be resolved through the legislative process. If the Communist Party does not reform itself, if it does not transform, it will lose its vitality and move toward natural and inevitable extinction.”

    On October 3, America’s Cable News Network (CNN) aired an interview with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (温家宝) by anchor Fareed Zakaria. Responding to the journalist’s questions, Wen Jiabao said: “Freedom of speech is indispensable for any nation; China’s Constitution endows the people with freedom of speech; The demands of the people for democracy cannot be resisted.”

    In accord with China’s Constitution, and in the spirit of the remarks made by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, we hereupon represent the following concerning the materialization of the constitutional rights to freedom of speech and of the press:

    Concerning the Current State of Freedom of Speech and Press in Our Country

    We have for 61 years “served as master” in the name of the citizens of the People’s Republic of China. But the freedom of speech and of the press we now enjoy is inferior even to that of Hong Kong before its return to Chinese sovereignty, to that entrusted to the residents of a colony.

    Before the handover, Hong Kong was a British colony, governed by those appointed by the Queen’s government. But the freedom of speech and freedom of the press given to residents of Hong Kong by the British authorities there was not empty, appearing only on paper. It was enacted and realized.

    When our country was founded in 1949, our people cried that they had been liberated, that they were not their own masters. Mao Zedong said that, “From this moment, the people of China have stood.” But even today, 61 years after the founding of our nation, after 30 years of opening and reform, we have not yet attained freedom of speech and freedom of the press to the degree enjoyed by the people of Hong Kong under colonial rule. Even now, many books discussion political and current affairs must be published in Hong Kong. This is not something that dates from the [territory's] return, but is merely an old tactic familiar under colonial rule. The “master” status of the people of China’s mainland is so inferior. For our nation to advertise itself as having “socialist democracy” with Chinese characteristics is such an embarrassment.

    Not only the average citizen, but even the most senior leaders of the Communist Party have no freedom of speech or press. Recently, Li Rui met with the following circumstance. Not long ago, the Collected Works in in Memory of Zhou Xiaozhou were published, and in it was originally to be included an essay commemorating Zhou Xiaozhou that Li Rui had written for the People’s Daily in 1981. Zhou Xiaozhou’s wife phoned Li Rui to explain the situation: “Beijing has sent out a notice. Li Rui’s writings cannot be published.” What incredible folly it is that an old piece of writing from a Party newspaper cannot be included in a volume of collected works! Li Rui said: “What kind of country is this?! I want to cry it out: the press must be free! Such strangling of the people’s freedom of expression is entirely illegal!”

    It’s not even just high-level leaders — even the Premier of our country does not have freedom of speech or of the press! On August 21, 2010, Premier Wen Jiabao gave a speech in Shenzhen called, “Only By Pushing Ahead With Reforms Can Our Nation Have Bright Prospects.” He said, “We must not only to push economic reforms, but must also to promote political reforms. Without the protection afforded by political reforms, the gains we have made from economic reforms will be lost, and our goal of modernization cannot be realized.” Xinhua News Agency’s official news release on August 21, “Building a Beautiful Future for the Special Economic Zone,” omitted the content in Wen Jiabao’s speech dealing with political reform.

    On September 22, 2010, (U.S. local time) Premier Wen Jiabao held a dialogue in New York with American Chinese media and media from Hong Kong and Macao, and again he emphasized the importance of “political system reforms.” Wen said: “Concerning political reforms, I have said previously that if economic reforms are without the protection to be gained by political reforms, then we cannot be entirely successful, and even perhaps the gains of our progress so far will be lost.” Shortly after, Wen Jiabao addressed the 65th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, giving a speech called, “Recognizing a True China,” in which he spoke again about political reform. Late on September 23 (Beijing time), these events were reported on China Central Television’s Xinwen Lianbo and in an official news release from Xinhua News Agency. They reported only Wen Jiabao’s remarks on the circumstances facing overseas Chinese, and on the importance of overseas Chinese media. His mentions of political reform were all removed.

    For these matters, if we endeavor to find those responsible, we are utterly incapable of putting our finger on a specific person. This is an invisible black hands. For their own reasons, they violate our constitution, often ordering by telephone that the works of such and such a person cannot be published, or that such and such an event cannot be reported in the media. The officials who make the call do not leave their names, and the secrecy of the agents is protected, but you must heed their phone instructions. These invisible black hands are our Central Propaganda Department. Right now the Central Propaganda Department is placed above the Central Committee of the Communist Party, and above the State Council. We would ask, what right does the Central Propaganda Department have to muzzle the speech of the Premier? What right does it have to rob the people of our nation of their right to know what the Premier has said?

    Our core demand is that the system of censorship be dismantled in favor of a system of legal responsibility (追惩制).

    The rights to freedom of speech and the press guaranteed in Article 35 of our Constitution are turned into mere adornments for the walls by means of concrete implementation rules such as the “Ordinance on Publishing Control” (出版管理条例). These implementation rules are, broadly speaking, a system of censorship and approvals. There are countless numbers of commandments and taboos restricting freedom of speech and freedom of the press. The creation of a press law and the abolishment of the censorship system has already become an urgent task before us.

    We recommend that the National People’s Congress work immediately toward the creation of a Press Law, and that the “Ordinance on Publishing Control” and all of the local restrictions on news and publishing be annulled. Institutionally speaking, the realization of freedom of speech and freedom of the press as guaranteed in the Constitution means making media independent of the Party and government organs that presently control them, thereby transforming “Party mouthpieces” into “public instruments.” Therefore, the foundation of the creation of a Press Law must be the enacting of a system of [post facto] legal responsibility (追惩制) [determined according to fair laws]. We cannot again strengthen the censorship system in the name of “strengthening the leadership of the Party.” The so-called censorship system is the system by which prior to publication one must receive the approval of Party organs, allowing for publication only after approval and designating all unapproved published materials as illegal. The so-called system of legal responsibility means that published materials need not pass through approval by Party or government organs, but may be published as soon as the editor-in-chief deems fit. If there are unfavorable outcomes or disputes following publication, the government would be able to intervene and determine according to the law whether there are cases of wrongdoing. In countries around the world, the development of rule of law in news and publishing has followed this path, making a transition from systems of censorship to systems of legal responsibility. There is little doubt that systems of legal responsibility mark progress over systems of censorship, and this is greatly in the favor of the development of the humanities and natural sciences, and in promoting social harmony and historical progress. England did away with censorship in 1695. France abolished its censorship system in 1881, and the publication of newspapers and periodicals thereafter required only a simple declaration, which was signed by the representatives of the publication and mailed to the office of the procurator of the republic. Our present system of censorship leaves news and book publishing in our country 315 years behind England and 129 years behind France.

    Our specific demands are as follows:

    1. Abolish sponsoring institutions of [Chinese] media [NOTE: This is the controlling organization that exercises Party control over the media], allowing publishing institutions to independently operate; Truly implement a system in which directors and editors in chief are responsible for their publication units.

    2. Respect journalists, and make them strong (尊重记者,树立记者). Journalists should be the “uncrowned kings.” The reporting of mass incidents and exposing of official corruption are noble missions on behalf of the people, and this work should be protected and supported. Immediately put a stop to the unconstitutional behavior of various local governments and police in arresting journalists. Look into the circumstances behind the case of [writer] Xie Chaoping (谢朝平). Liang Fengmin (梁凤民), the party secretary of Weinan city [involved in the Xie Chaoping case] must face party discipline as a warning to others.

    3. Abolish restrictions on extra-territorial supervision by public opinion [watchdog journalism] by media, ensuring the right of journalists to carry out reporting freely throughout the country.

    4. The internet is an important discussion platform for information in our society and the voice of citizens’ views. Aside from information that truly concerns our national secrets and speech that violates a citizen’s right to privacy, internet regulatory bodies must not arbitrarily delete online posts and online comments. Online spies must be abolished, the “Fifty-cent Party” must be abolished, and restrictions on “tunneling/[anti-censorship]” technologies must be abolished.

    5. There are no more taboos concerning our Party’s history. Chinese citizens have a right to know the errors of the ruling party.

    6. Southern Weekly and Yanhuang Chunqiu should be permitted to restructure as privately operated pilot programs [in independent media]. The privatization of newspapers and periodicals is the [natural] direction of political reforms. History teaches us: when rulers and deliberators are highly unified, when the government and the media are both surnamed “Party,” and when [the Party] sings for its own pleasure, it is difficult to connect with the will of the people and attain true leadership. From the time of the Great Leap Forward to the time of the Cultural Revolution, newspapers, magazines, television and radio in the mainland have never truly reflected the will of the people. Party and government leaders have been insensible to dissenting voices, so they have had difficulty in recognizing and correcting wholesale errors. For a ruling party and government to use the tax monies of the people to run media that sing their own praises, this is something not permitted in democratic nations.

    7. Permit the free circulation within the mainland of books and periodicals from the already returned territories of Hong Kong and Macao. Our country has joined the World Trade Organization, and economically we have already integrated with the world — attempting to remain closed culturally goes against the course already plotted for opening and reform. Hong Kong and Macao offer advanced culture right at our nation’s door, and the books and periodicals of Hong Kong and Macao are welcomed and trusted by the people.

    8. Transform the functions of various propaganda organs, so that they are transformed from [agencies] setting down so many “taboos” to [agencies] protecting the accuracy, timeliness and unimpeded flow [of information]; from [agencies] that assist corrupt officials in suppressing and controlling stories that reveal the truth to [agencies] that support the media in monitoring Party and government organs; from [agencies] that close publications, fire editors and arrest journalists to [agencies] that oppose power and protect media and journalists. Our propaganda organs have a horrid reputation within the Party and in society. They must work for good in order to regain their reputations. At the appropriate time, we can consider renaming these propaganda organs to suit global trends.

    We pressingly represent ourselves, hoping for your utmost attention.

    October 1, 2010

    Sponsors (23 people):

    Li Rui (李锐)– former standing vice minister of the Organization Department of the CCP Central Committee, member of the 12th Central Committee of the CCP
    Hu Jiwei (胡绩伟) — former director of People’s Daily, standing committee member to the 7th National People’s Congress, director of the Federation of Chinese Communication Institutes.
    Jiang Ping 江 平– former head of the China University of Political Science and Law, tenured professor, standing committee member to the 7th National People’s Congress, deputy director of the Executive Law Committee of the NPC
    Li Pu (李普) — former deputy director of Xinhua News Agency
    Zhou Shaoming (周绍明) — former deputy director of the Political Department of the Guangzhou Military Area Command
    Zhong Peizhang (锺沛璋) — Former head of the News Office of the Central Propaganda Department
    Wang Yongcheng (王永成) — Professor at Shanghai Jiaotong University
    Zhang Zhongpei (张忠培) — Research at the Imperial Palace Museum, chairman of the China Archaeological Society
    Du Guang (杜光) — former professor at the Central Party School
    Guo Daojun (郭道晖) — former editor-in-chief of China Legal Science
    Xiao Mo 萧 默 — former head of the Architecture Research Center of the Chinese National Academy of Arts
    Zhuang Puming (庄浦明) — former deputy director of People’s Press
    Hu Fuchen (胡甫臣) — former director and editor-in-chief at China Worker’s Publishing House
    Zhang Ding (张定) — former director of the China Social Sciences Press at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    Yu You (于友) — former editor-in-chief of China Daily
    Ouyang Jin (欧阳劲) — former editor-in-chief of Hong Kong’s Pacific Magazine (太平洋杂志)
    Yu Haocheng (于浩成) — former director of Masses Publishing House
    Zhang Qing (张清) — former director of China Cinema Publishing House
    Yu Yueting (俞月亭) — former director of Fujian Television, veteran journalist
    Sha Yexin (沙叶新) — former head of the Shanghai People’s Art and Drama Academy, now an independent writer of the Hui ethnic minority
    Sun Xupei (孙旭培) — former director of the News Research Institute at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    Xin Ziling (辛子陵) — former director of the editorial desk at China National Defense University
    Tie Liu (铁流) — editor-in-chief of Wangshi Weihen (往事微痕) magazine (Scars of the Past).
    Legal Counsel:
    Song Yue (宋岳) — Chinese citizen, practicing lawyer in the State of New York, U.S.

    Some of the signatories have more influence than others, obviously.

    I can see the PRC operating on a strict version of the so-called "legal responsibility" framework for a long time; note that (for example) Singapore operates along those formal lines. Legal transparency still permits a government to (transparently and systematically) insist that it has a "right of reply" to any published criticism, or that publishers and authors are both liable for any defamation in their publications - the newspaper is not just a neutral party republishing someone else's allegations. And, of course, by "defamation" we can put the burden of evidence on the author and publisher to prove that the allegations are factually true; otherwise the allegations may be deemed as damaging and the author and publisher ordered to pay recompense.

    Legal responsibility is not the same as a free press, at least not in the way "free press" is understood in the West.

    ronya on
    aRkpc.gif
  • Options
    Dis'Dis' Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    It's very, very hard for a government like the Chinese one to relinquish that kind of control.

    Depends on the implimentation - if its the provincial governments that are going lose the powers whilst the central government keeps theirs then it might happen. Both Beijing and the chinese people see the local administrators as corrupt arseholes that need to be kept in check, and a lot of these seem like their for local accountability only.

    Dis' on
  • Options
    FencingsaxFencingsax It is difficult to get a man to understand, when his salary depends upon his not understanding GNU Terry PratchettRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    The people who run China aren't idiots. I think they're aware that freedom of speech has potential to make a nation much, much stronger. The problem is that 1) they haven't had any for a very long time and dissent has been a big no-no forever. They need to learn that disagreement and disloyalty are not the same thing, and that does take quite a paradigm shift. and 2) they are aware of the potential problems with making speech too free, and they do not want to get anywhere near that point.

    Fencingsax on
  • Options
    RichyRichy Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Fencingsax wrote: »
    The people who run China aren't idiots. I think they're aware that freedom of speech has potential to make a nation much, much stronger. The problem is that 1) they haven't had any for a very long time and dissent has been a big no-no forever. They need to learn that disagreement and disloyalty are not the same thing, and that does take quite a paradigm shift. and 2) they are aware of the potential problems with making speech too free, and they do not want to get anywhere near that point.
    3) Giving people the ability to complain about stuff they cannot change/that cannot be changed only ferments public resentment and anger, and when the public base for these feelings becomes too strong you get political unrest and revolt. Given that they are a party that came to power in a peasant revolt against the government, they certainly remember their history and don't want it repeated.

    Richy on
    sig.gif
  • Options
    DarkCrawlerDarkCrawler Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    On the other hand, nobody can deny that the Communist Party has done a lot of good for China. I think it's popular support is extremely high as well. Giving more rights and freedoms to the majority of population while tightening the hold over areas like Tibet could be a good strategy in the future.

    DarkCrawler on
  • Options
    SynthesisSynthesis Honda Today! Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    We'll likely see a continuance of the small, step-by-step changes the Chinese government has implemented over the last two to three decades anyway.

    As it stands, the Beijing Government of today is probably the most lenient in the area of political liberty that has existed in the majority of China...in...forever. Any more lenient government probably just couldn't enforce its intentions. 70, 80 years ago, people were shot in the outright for the line they skirt around today.

    The central government will probably take some of the recommendations into consideration so much as they reinforce their own position socially, if not legally (you know, like any government remotely interested in its own survival).

    Synthesis on
  • Options
    jothkijothki Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Richy wrote: »
    Fencingsax wrote: »
    The people who run China aren't idiots. I think they're aware that freedom of speech has potential to make a nation much, much stronger. The problem is that 1) they haven't had any for a very long time and dissent has been a big no-no forever. They need to learn that disagreement and disloyalty are not the same thing, and that does take quite a paradigm shift. and 2) they are aware of the potential problems with making speech too free, and they do not want to get anywhere near that point.
    3) Giving people the ability to complain about stuff they cannot change/that cannot be changed only ferments public resentment and anger, and when the public base for these feelings becomes too strong you get political unrest and revolt. Given that they are a party that came to power in a peasant revolt against the government, they certainly remember their history and don't want it repeated.

    Heck, hasn't China been like that for pretty much its entire history?

    jothki on
  • Options
    Styrofoam SammichStyrofoam Sammich WANT. normal (not weird)Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    In related news 23 more Chinese citizens disappeared today.

    Styrofoam Sammich on
    wq09t4opzrlc.jpg
  • Options
    SamSam Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    ronya wrote: »
    A translation:
    [CORRECTION: It is premature to conclude that this letter has any connection whatsoever to Liu Xiaobo's Nobel Prize. The letter is dated October 1, one week before the announcement from the Nobel Committee.]

    Enforce Article 35 of China’s Constitution, Abolish Censorship and Realize Citizens’ Right to Freedom of Speech and Freedom of Press: A Letter to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress

    Written by Li Rui (李锐), Hu Jiwei (胡绩伟) and others
    Dated: October 11, 2010

    Dear members of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress:

    Article 35 of China’s Constitution as adopted in 1982 clearly states that: “Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession and of demonstration.” For 28 years this article has stood unrealized, having been negated by detailed rules and regulations for “implementation.” This false democracy of formal avowal and concrete denial has become a scandalous mark on the history of world democracy.

    On February 26, 2003, at a meeting of democratic consultation between the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and democratic parties [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_political_parties_in_the_People's_Republic_of_China], not long after President Hu Jintao (胡锦涛) assumed office, he stated clearly: “The removal of restrictions on the press, and the opening up of public opinion positions, is a mainstream view and demand held by society; it is natural, and should be resolved through the legislative process. If the Communist Party does not reform itself, if it does not transform, it will lose its vitality and move toward natural and inevitable extinction.”

    On October 3, America’s Cable News Network (CNN) aired an interview with Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao (温家宝) by anchor Fareed Zakaria. Responding to the journalist’s questions, Wen Jiabao said: “Freedom of speech is indispensable for any nation; China’s Constitution endows the people with freedom of speech; The demands of the people for democracy cannot be resisted.”

    In accord with China’s Constitution, and in the spirit of the remarks made by President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao, we hereupon represent the following concerning the materialization of the constitutional rights to freedom of speech and of the press:

    Concerning the Current State of Freedom of Speech and Press in Our Country

    We have for 61 years “served as master” in the name of the citizens of the People’s Republic of China. But the freedom of speech and of the press we now enjoy is inferior even to that of Hong Kong before its return to Chinese sovereignty, to that entrusted to the residents of a colony.

    Before the handover, Hong Kong was a British colony, governed by those appointed by the Queen’s government. But the freedom of speech and freedom of the press given to residents of Hong Kong by the British authorities there was not empty, appearing only on paper. It was enacted and realized.

    When our country was founded in 1949, our people cried that they had been liberated, that they were not their own masters. Mao Zedong said that, “From this moment, the people of China have stood.” But even today, 61 years after the founding of our nation, after 30 years of opening and reform, we have not yet attained freedom of speech and freedom of the press to the degree enjoyed by the people of Hong Kong under colonial rule. Even now, many books discussion political and current affairs must be published in Hong Kong. This is not something that dates from the [territory's] return, but is merely an old tactic familiar under colonial rule. The “master” status of the people of China’s mainland is so inferior. For our nation to advertise itself as having “socialist democracy” with Chinese characteristics is such an embarrassment.

    Not only the average citizen, but even the most senior leaders of the Communist Party have no freedom of speech or press. Recently, Li Rui met with the following circumstance. Not long ago, the Collected Works in in Memory of Zhou Xiaozhou were published, and in it was originally to be included an essay commemorating Zhou Xiaozhou that Li Rui had written for the People’s Daily in 1981. Zhou Xiaozhou’s wife phoned Li Rui to explain the situation: “Beijing has sent out a notice. Li Rui’s writings cannot be published.” What incredible folly it is that an old piece of writing from a Party newspaper cannot be included in a volume of collected works! Li Rui said: “What kind of country is this?! I want to cry it out: the press must be free! Such strangling of the people’s freedom of expression is entirely illegal!”

    It’s not even just high-level leaders — even the Premier of our country does not have freedom of speech or of the press! On August 21, 2010, Premier Wen Jiabao gave a speech in Shenzhen called, “Only By Pushing Ahead With Reforms Can Our Nation Have Bright Prospects.” He said, “We must not only to push economic reforms, but must also to promote political reforms. Without the protection afforded by political reforms, the gains we have made from economic reforms will be lost, and our goal of modernization cannot be realized.” Xinhua News Agency’s official news release on August 21, “Building a Beautiful Future for the Special Economic Zone,” omitted the content in Wen Jiabao’s speech dealing with political reform.

    On September 22, 2010, (U.S. local time) Premier Wen Jiabao held a dialogue in New York with American Chinese media and media from Hong Kong and Macao, and again he emphasized the importance of “political system reforms.” Wen said: “Concerning political reforms, I have said previously that if economic reforms are without the protection to be gained by political reforms, then we cannot be entirely successful, and even perhaps the gains of our progress so far will be lost.” Shortly after, Wen Jiabao addressed the 65th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, giving a speech called, “Recognizing a True China,” in which he spoke again about political reform. Late on September 23 (Beijing time), these events were reported on China Central Television’s Xinwen Lianbo and in an official news release from Xinhua News Agency. They reported only Wen Jiabao’s remarks on the circumstances facing overseas Chinese, and on the importance of overseas Chinese media. His mentions of political reform were all removed.

    For these matters, if we endeavor to find those responsible, we are utterly incapable of putting our finger on a specific person. This is an invisible black hands. For their own reasons, they violate our constitution, often ordering by telephone that the works of such and such a person cannot be published, or that such and such an event cannot be reported in the media. The officials who make the call do not leave their names, and the secrecy of the agents is protected, but you must heed their phone instructions. These invisible black hands are our Central Propaganda Department. Right now the Central Propaganda Department is placed above the Central Committee of the Communist Party, and above the State Council. We would ask, what right does the Central Propaganda Department have to muzzle the speech of the Premier? What right does it have to rob the people of our nation of their right to know what the Premier has said?

    Our core demand is that the system of censorship be dismantled in favor of a system of legal responsibility (追惩制).

    The rights to freedom of speech and the press guaranteed in Article 35 of our Constitution are turned into mere adornments for the walls by means of concrete implementation rules such as the “Ordinance on Publishing Control” (出版管理条例). These implementation rules are, broadly speaking, a system of censorship and approvals. There are countless numbers of commandments and taboos restricting freedom of speech and freedom of the press. The creation of a press law and the abolishment of the censorship system has already become an urgent task before us.

    We recommend that the National People’s Congress work immediately toward the creation of a Press Law, and that the “Ordinance on Publishing Control” and all of the local restrictions on news and publishing be annulled. Institutionally speaking, the realization of freedom of speech and freedom of the press as guaranteed in the Constitution means making media independent of the Party and government organs that presently control them, thereby transforming “Party mouthpieces” into “public instruments.” Therefore, the foundation of the creation of a Press Law must be the enacting of a system of [post facto] legal responsibility (追惩制) [determined according to fair laws]. We cannot again strengthen the censorship system in the name of “strengthening the leadership of the Party.” The so-called censorship system is the system by which prior to publication one must receive the approval of Party organs, allowing for publication only after approval and designating all unapproved published materials as illegal. The so-called system of legal responsibility means that published materials need not pass through approval by Party or government organs, but may be published as soon as the editor-in-chief deems fit. If there are unfavorable outcomes or disputes following publication, the government would be able to intervene and determine according to the law whether there are cases of wrongdoing. In countries around the world, the development of rule of law in news and publishing has followed this path, making a transition from systems of censorship to systems of legal responsibility. There is little doubt that systems of legal responsibility mark progress over systems of censorship, and this is greatly in the favor of the development of the humanities and natural sciences, and in promoting social harmony and historical progress. England did away with censorship in 1695. France abolished its censorship system in 1881, and the publication of newspapers and periodicals thereafter required only a simple declaration, which was signed by the representatives of the publication and mailed to the office of the procurator of the republic. Our present system of censorship leaves news and book publishing in our country 315 years behind England and 129 years behind France.

    Our specific demands are as follows:

    1. Abolish sponsoring institutions of [Chinese] media [NOTE: This is the controlling organization that exercises Party control over the media], allowing publishing institutions to independently operate; Truly implement a system in which directors and editors in chief are responsible for their publication units.

    2. Respect journalists, and make them strong (尊重记者,树立记者). Journalists should be the “uncrowned kings.” The reporting of mass incidents and exposing of official corruption are noble missions on behalf of the people, and this work should be protected and supported. Immediately put a stop to the unconstitutional behavior of various local governments and police in arresting journalists. Look into the circumstances behind the case of [writer] Xie Chaoping (谢朝平). Liang Fengmin (梁凤民), the party secretary of Weinan city [involved in the Xie Chaoping case] must face party discipline as a warning to others.

    3. Abolish restrictions on extra-territorial supervision by public opinion [watchdog journalism] by media, ensuring the right of journalists to carry out reporting freely throughout the country.

    4. The internet is an important discussion platform for information in our society and the voice of citizens’ views. Aside from information that truly concerns our national secrets and speech that violates a citizen’s right to privacy, internet regulatory bodies must not arbitrarily delete online posts and online comments. Online spies must be abolished, the “Fifty-cent Party” must be abolished, and restrictions on “tunneling/[anti-censorship]” technologies must be abolished.

    5. There are no more taboos concerning our Party’s history. Chinese citizens have a right to know the errors of the ruling party.

    6. Southern Weekly and Yanhuang Chunqiu should be permitted to restructure as privately operated pilot programs [in independent media]. The privatization of newspapers and periodicals is the [natural] direction of political reforms. History teaches us: when rulers and deliberators are highly unified, when the government and the media are both surnamed “Party,” and when [the Party] sings for its own pleasure, it is difficult to connect with the will of the people and attain true leadership. From the time of the Great Leap Forward to the time of the Cultural Revolution, newspapers, magazines, television and radio in the mainland have never truly reflected the will of the people. Party and government leaders have been insensible to dissenting voices, so they have had difficulty in recognizing and correcting wholesale errors. For a ruling party and government to use the tax monies of the people to run media that sing their own praises, this is something not permitted in democratic nations.

    7. Permit the free circulation within the mainland of books and periodicals from the already returned territories of Hong Kong and Macao. Our country has joined the World Trade Organization, and economically we have already integrated with the world — attempting to remain closed culturally goes against the course already plotted for opening and reform. Hong Kong and Macao offer advanced culture right at our nation’s door, and the books and periodicals of Hong Kong and Macao are welcomed and trusted by the people.

    8. Transform the functions of various propaganda organs, so that they are transformed from [agencies] setting down so many “taboos” to [agencies] protecting the accuracy, timeliness and unimpeded flow [of information]; from [agencies] that assist corrupt officials in suppressing and controlling stories that reveal the truth to [agencies] that support the media in monitoring Party and government organs; from [agencies] that close publications, fire editors and arrest journalists to [agencies] that oppose power and protect media and journalists. Our propaganda organs have a horrid reputation within the Party and in society. They must work for good in order to regain their reputations. At the appropriate time, we can consider renaming these propaganda organs to suit global trends.

    We pressingly represent ourselves, hoping for your utmost attention.

    October 1, 2010

    Sponsors (23 people):

    Li Rui (李锐)– former standing vice minister of the Organization Department of the CCP Central Committee, member of the 12th Central Committee of the CCP
    Hu Jiwei (胡绩伟) — former director of People’s Daily, standing committee member to the 7th National People’s Congress, director of the Federation of Chinese Communication Institutes.
    Jiang Ping 江 平– former head of the China University of Political Science and Law, tenured professor, standing committee member to the 7th National People’s Congress, deputy director of the Executive Law Committee of the NPC
    Li Pu (李普) — former deputy director of Xinhua News Agency
    Zhou Shaoming (周绍明) — former deputy director of the Political Department of the Guangzhou Military Area Command
    Zhong Peizhang (锺沛璋) — Former head of the News Office of the Central Propaganda Department
    Wang Yongcheng (王永成) — Professor at Shanghai Jiaotong University
    Zhang Zhongpei (张忠培) — Research at the Imperial Palace Museum, chairman of the China Archaeological Society
    Du Guang (杜光) — former professor at the Central Party School
    Guo Daojun (郭道晖) — former editor-in-chief of China Legal Science
    Xiao Mo 萧 默 — former head of the Architecture Research Center of the Chinese National Academy of Arts
    Zhuang Puming (庄浦明) — former deputy director of People’s Press
    Hu Fuchen (胡甫臣) — former director and editor-in-chief at China Worker’s Publishing House
    Zhang Ding (张定) — former director of the China Social Sciences Press at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    Yu You (于友) — former editor-in-chief of China Daily
    Ouyang Jin (欧阳劲) — former editor-in-chief of Hong Kong’s Pacific Magazine (太平洋杂志)
    Yu Haocheng (于浩成) — former director of Masses Publishing House
    Zhang Qing (张清) — former director of China Cinema Publishing House
    Yu Yueting (俞月亭) — former director of Fujian Television, veteran journalist
    Sha Yexin (沙叶新) — former head of the Shanghai People’s Art and Drama Academy, now an independent writer of the Hui ethnic minority
    Sun Xupei (孙旭培) — former director of the News Research Institute at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
    Xin Ziling (辛子陵) — former director of the editorial desk at China National Defense University
    Tie Liu (铁流) — editor-in-chief of Wangshi Weihen (往事微痕) magazine (Scars of the Past).
    Legal Counsel:
    Song Yue (宋岳) — Chinese citizen, practicing lawyer in the State of New York, U.S.

    Some of the signatories have more influence than others, obviously.

    I can see the PRC operating on a strict version of the so-called "legal responsibility" framework for a long time; note that (for example) Singapore operates along those formal lines. Legal transparency still permits a government to (transparently and systematically) insist that it has a "right of reply" to any published criticism, or that publishers and authors are both liable for any defamation in their publications - the newspaper is not just a neutral party republishing someone else's allegations. And, of course, by "defamation" we can put the burden of evidence on the author and publisher to prove that the allegations are factually true; otherwise the allegations may be deemed as damaging and the author and publisher ordered to pay recompense.

    Legal responsibility is not the same as a free press, at least not in the way "free press" is understood in the West.

    The Singapore model is realistic for PRC.

    That said, journalism in Singapore is a fucking joke.

    Sam on
  • Options
    adytumadytum The Inevitable Rise And FallRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Which Singapore model? The economic one? The social one?

    adytum on
  • Options
    Captain CarrotCaptain Carrot Alexandria, VARegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    In related news 23 more Chinese citizens disappeared today.

    Pretty much what I was thinking.

    Captain Carrot on
  • Options
    ronyaronya Arrrrrf. the ivory tower's basementRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    adytum wrote: »
    Which Singapore model? The economic one? The social one?

    Both? I mean, it seems that one comes with the other.

    Singapore seems to be the go-to model for authoritarian governments everywhere now, it seems. It's not just the PRC; Dubai and Rwanda's leaders have described themselves pursuing the idea.

    Deng Xiaoping was a fan, to be sure, although Jiang and now Hu seem to be less enthusiastic. To be sure, here are enough similarities in their histories for Singapore to seem appealing - as a culturally Chinese right-wing state exercising power via a grip on formerly left-wing social institutions, the de facto social bargain of providing economic growth in return for compliance - but enough differences. Deng underestimated the pace of growth and now the PRC is too developed to have to resort to engineering numerous Hong Kong clones to generate prosperity. And the PRC is, of course, huge, while Singapore is tiny, with all the attendant differences.

    ronya on
    aRkpc.gif
  • Options
    ronyaronya Arrrrrf. the ivory tower's basementRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    In related news 23 more Chinese citizens disappeared today.

    Pretty much what I was thinking.

    Not likely, I think. I daresay that some of these are highly-placed enough to be put under house arrest, at worst.

    ronya on
    aRkpc.gif
  • Options
    adytumadytum The Inevitable Rise And FallRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    I'm not sure it's realistic to expect an economic system that works for a city-state will scale up to fit China, the most populous and third largest country in the world.

    But who knows.

    adytum on
  • Options
    SamSam Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    adytum wrote: »
    Which Singapore model? The economic one? The social one?

    Free speech/media censorship.

    You're free to say whatever you want, mostly free to read and watch whatever you want (some books like Satanic Verses are banned, as is porn, but nothing's enforced beyond prohibiting stores from carrying them)

    But as soon as you make the slightest nuisance, you'll be taken to court, charged with slander and likely bankrupted while the government run news media runs a comprehensive character assassination campaign.

    It's certainly more humane, and probably more efficient than China's all out pre-emptive approach.

    Sam on
  • Options
    ButtcleftButtcleft Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    It's very, very hard for a government like the Chinese one to relinquish that kind of control.

    its hard for any government anywhere to relinquish any kind of control. period.

    Buttcleft on
  • Options
    ronyaronya Arrrrrf. the ivory tower's basementRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Taiwan liberalized relatively peacefully. Spain and Greece, too. All three of these were engineered democratizations by the policymaking elite.

    ronya on
    aRkpc.gif
  • Options
    ApollohApolloh Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    China doesn't really change, guys.

    Like, ever. At least culturally.

    Ill be a little more clear. This idea of free speech is a tad hard for a people that have never really exercised it in their history in any way shape or form. I am hopeful that a new generation of Chinese can spearhead some change, especially with the advent of globalization and liberalizing attitudes from within China itself.

    Except from what ive read in books like China Road, the youth in China are looking towards a mingling of what China is currently doing with western democracy and human rights. A blend, really.

    Apolloh on
    smb3banner.png
    XBLGT:Banzeye SC2: Apollo.394
  • Options
    Smug DucklingSmug Duckling Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    ronya wrote: »
    Taiwan liberalized relatively peacefully. Spain and Greece, too. All three of these were engineered democratizations by the policymaking elite.

    South Africa too, and it could be argued that the South African white elites had more to lose than the Chinese elites since they were handing over power to a completely different ethnic group that had every reason to hate their guts.

    Smug Duckling on
    smugduckling,pc,days.png
  • Options
    QuidQuid Definitely not a banana Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    It's very, very hard for a government like the Chinese one to relinquish that kind of control.

    I dunno. China's still not great regarding individual freedoms compared to most of the West, but they've slowly allowed for increased freedom and are way, way better compared to three or four decades ago. And for all the oppression they've caused I honestly believe it's (mostly) been for the sake of a stronger China, not for the sake of oppression. Even if their methods have been ridiculously shortsighted at times.
    Apolloh wrote: »
    China doesn't really change, guys.

    Like, ever. At least culturally.

    Ehhhhh. I'd say a number of things have changed. A lot of their cultural mainstays can really be found throughout the East. But there are a lot of cultural changes that you see happen with urbanization. People that have grown up in cities as only children are showing preferences towards smaller families. Childless couples have become more common too. There's even a raised concern about the lack of emphasis of community these days, but I don't know how much of that is real and how much is just old people disappointed in kids these days. There is, however, an up tick in people moving away from past traditions like going home and eating in for New Years and such.

    Also, almost every dynasty marked a significant change in certain cultural values.

    Edit: Though this is all before your own edit which I agree with.

    Quid on
  • Options
    ApollohApolloh Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Quid wrote: »
    It's very, very hard for a government like the Chinese one to relinquish that kind of control.

    I dunno. China's still not great regarding individual freedoms compared to most of the West, but they've slowly allowed for increased freedom and are way, way better compared to three or four decades ago. And for all the oppression they've caused I honestly believe it's (mostly) been for the sake of a stronger China, not for the sake of oppression. Even if their methods have been ridiculously shortsighted at times.

    This is correct.

    Many dynastic emperors have done exactly that for the same reason.

    Apolloh on
    smb3banner.png
    XBLGT:Banzeye SC2: Apollo.394
  • Options
    KaputaKaputa Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    I'm fairly optimistic about China's free speech issues. The countries China engages with economically all chastise China for it, at least internally, and their populace is increasingly connected to the internet. Its just not worth it politically in this day and age.

    Kaputa on
  • Options
    SamSam Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Apolloh wrote: »
    Quid wrote: »
    It's very, very hard for a government like the Chinese one to relinquish that kind of control.

    I dunno. China's still not great regarding individual freedoms compared to most of the West, but they've slowly allowed for increased freedom and are way, way better compared to three or four decades ago. And for all the oppression they've caused I honestly believe it's (mostly) been for the sake of a stronger China, not for the sake of oppression. Even if their methods have been ridiculously shortsighted at times.

    This is correct.

    Many dynastic emperors have done exactly that for the same reason.

    Incidentally, you've just summarized the movie Hero.

    In its entirety

    Sam on
  • Options
    SamSam Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Kaputa wrote: »
    I'm fairly optimistic about China's free speech issues. The countries China engages with economically all chastise China for it, at least internally, and their populace is increasingly connected to the internet. Its just not worth it politically in this day and age.

    if they do change, it won't be because they give a fuck about what anyone else thinks.

    Sam on
  • Options
    ZombiemamboZombiemambo Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Hopefully it will bring about some change, there's really no excuse for the amount of censorship in the country and trying to hide any dirty laundry only makes it worse when people inevitably air it out anyway.

    Zombiemambo on
    JKKaAGp.png
  • Options
    ronyaronya Arrrrrf. the ivory tower's basementRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    They do give a fuck about what other people think. I suspect they care a lot. The letter invokes England and France for a reason.

    ronya on
    aRkpc.gif
  • Options
    Styrofoam SammichStyrofoam Sammich WANT. normal (not weird)Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    ronya wrote: »
    They do give a fuck about what other people think. I suspect they care a lot. The letter invokes England and France for a reason.

    They buy their shit?

    Styrofoam Sammich on
    wq09t4opzrlc.jpg
  • Options
    ronyaronya Arrrrrf. the ivory tower's basementRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    I think it's more "culturally-ingrained fears of humiliation".

    Overseas Chinese communities have historically proven culturally malleable to an extraordinary extent, but I don't know about Chinese in their own homeland.

    ronya on
    aRkpc.gif
  • Options
    QuidQuid Definitely not a banana Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    ronya wrote: »
    They do give a fuck about what other people think. I suspect they care a lot. The letter invokes England and France for a reason.

    They buy their shit?

    There's something of a conflict of values.

    On the one hand, face is still remarkably important to the Chinese going by what I've been exposed to. They don't like to look foolish, backwards, outdated, etc.

    On the other hand, traditional cultural values are also still very important to them but some of them come in to conflict with the modern world and can get heavy criticism from other countries that they often seem to simultaneously put on a pedestal/insist has should keep their opinions to themselves because they don't understand Chinese culture. To a degree they want the perks brought about by certain Western values but without it replacing any of theirs since, historically, theirs have always been the best as far as China has been concerned.

    Again, the modernization and opening of China to the rest of the world has lessened the latter and like all cultures neither of those are a hard and fast rule for every Chinese person or community.

    Quid on
  • Options
    ApollohApolloh Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    People who are curious about the exact topic we're talking about should read The True Story of Ah Q by Lu Xun or In the Pond by Ha Jin.

    Both excellent critiques of Communist China/Confucian China. And talks about the identity crisis we're discussing here.

    Apolloh on
    smb3banner.png
    XBLGT:Banzeye SC2: Apollo.394
  • Options
    QuidQuid Definitely not a banana Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    A two year course in Chinese with six Chinese/Taiwanese teachers is also a valid method.

    Probably easier to read the books though.

    Quid on
  • Options
    ronyaronya Arrrrrf. the ivory tower's basementRegistered User regular
    edited October 2010
    My personal concern is that the PRC goes part of the way and then stops, because after a point further political liberalization stops having a significant positive impact on economic growth or quality of governance and thus the incentive toward costly change slows.

    Underlying that is a (not new) attempt to recharacterize 'excessive' political freedom as weakness, lack of moral fiber, laziness, etc.

    When this happens in Singapore - well, who cares? It's just a city. Its culture is more influenced by Hollywood and US media than its own local media networks. But the PRC is huge - a full sixth of the world population.

    ronya on
    aRkpc.gif
  • Options
    SynthesisSynthesis Honda Today! Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Quid wrote: »
    A two year course in Chinese with six Chinese/Taiwanese teachers is also a valid method.

    Probably easier to read the books though.

    The Taiwanese teachers may also not give a crap. Or they might care too much.

    Books offer greater consistency.

    Synthesis on
  • Options
    Loren MichaelLoren Michael Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    ronya wrote: »
    My personal concern is that the PRC goes part of the way and then stops, because after a point further political liberalization stops having a significant positive impact on economic growth or quality of governance and thus the incentive toward costly change slows.

    Underlying that is a (not new) attempt to recharacterize 'excessive' political freedom as weakness, lack of moral fiber, laziness, etc.

    When this happens in Singapore - well, who cares? It's just a city. Its culture is more influenced by Hollywood and US media than its own local media networks. But the PRC is huge - a full sixth of the world population.

    I'm not convinced that a China that is more liberalized than it is now but less liberalized than a lot of countries wouldn't be ideal. So... depending on where "part of the way" is, I don't know that we should be too concerned.

    Loren Michael on
    a7iea7nzewtq.jpg
  • Options
    SamSam Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    I think Singaporeans are actually more brainwashed than PRC Chinese. They think they're free, the average person doesn't experience any state oppression in daily life. Anti government figures therefore gain a lot less sympathy.

    I think that in China, especially with the younger generations, people are choosing to put up with bullshit, know that all kinds of things are being kept from them in all kinds of ways. Everyone uses censorship-bypassing programs anyway, so they can't be forced to live in the state approved version of reality.

    Sam on
  • Options
    Loren MichaelLoren Michael Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Sam wrote: »
    I think Singaporeans are actually more brainwashed than PRC Chinese. They think they're free, the average person doesn't experience any state oppression in daily life. Anti government figures therefore gain a lot less sympathy.

    I'm not sure that that's "more brainwashed", I think it's more along the lines of simply having fewer and less obvious controls placed on them.

    All states offer a breed of oppression. Isn't the ideal to not experience any in daily life?

    Loren Michael on
    a7iea7nzewtq.jpg
  • Options
    BiopticBioptic Registered User regular
    edited October 2010
    Sam wrote: »
    I think Singaporeans are actually more brainwashed than PRC Chinese. They think they're free, the average person doesn't experience any state oppression in daily life. Anti government figures therefore gain a lot less sympathy.

    I'm not sure that that's "more brainwashed", I think it's more along the lines of simply having fewer and less obvious controls placed on them.

    All states offer a breed of oppression. Isn't the ideal to not experience any in daily life?

    Perhaps brainwashed in terms of the average young Singaporean having grown up in a culture of absolutely nil dissent. I've yet to meet a Singaporean with any political interest whatsoever - their concerns, such as they are, focus on improving their situation within the existing framework rather than changing the framework itself.

    Because of the lack of dissent, and because of how carefully controlled information is, any instances of governmental oppression will generate minimal outrage, and this rather dangerously makes anti-government figures 1) apparently railing against nothing important, and 2) a threat to the status quo that leaves the majority moderately well-off and safe.

    But I'm not sure this approach can work in China until the majority of people are well-off and safe, which is a long-way off indeed. Singapore works because the vast majority of the population are unquestioning and uninterested in changing their lives, but the vast range of conditions and lifestyle in China means that a commonly-accepted status quo for both Peasants and Bankers is going to be near-impossible to reach.

    Bioptic on
Sign In or Register to comment.