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Help Me With My Dickish Farewell Speech!
An-D
EnthusiastAshevilleRegistered User regular
EnthusiastAshevilleRegistered User regular
Hello!
I'm stepping down as president of my school's fencing club and I'm blowing the importance of the event WAY out of proportion by sending out (maybe actually giving) an epic farewell speech.
And by epic farewell speech, I mean mostly me talking about how glorious my 2-year reign was and ripping off famous speeches (Lincoln, JFK, MLK, Churchhill, that guy that always referred to the people as 'my friends,' Obama etc). I change the wording a bit so it fits with me being glorious and with the fencing club audience. Hopefully its changed enough so people don't notice I'm ripping off someone right away.
But I also want to pepper it with inspirational movie quotes too. I want people to hear/read it and go "Hey, isn't that from that movie?" but maybe not remember which movie.
This part I'm having a hard time with.
Can PA help me?
I'm stepping down as president of my school's fencing club and I'm blowing the importance of the event WAY out of proportion by sending out (maybe actually giving) an epic farewell speech.
And by epic farewell speech, I mean mostly me talking about how glorious my 2-year reign was and ripping off famous speeches (Lincoln, JFK, MLK, Churchhill, that guy that always referred to the people as 'my friends,' Obama etc). I change the wording a bit so it fits with me being glorious and with the fencing club audience. Hopefully its changed enough so people don't notice I'm ripping off someone right away.
But I also want to pepper it with inspirational movie quotes too. I want people to hear/read it and go "Hey, isn't that from that movie?" but maybe not remember which movie.
This part I'm having a hard time with.
Can PA help me?
An-D on
0
Posts
My cousin Westmoreland? No, my fair cousin;
If we are mark'd to die, we are enow
To do our country loss; and if to live,
The fewer men, the greater share of honour.
God's will! I pray thee, wish not one man more.
By Jove, I am not covetous for gold,
Nor care I who doth feed upon my cost;
It yearns me not if men my garments wear;
Such outward things dwell not in my desires.
But if it be a sin to covet honour,
I am the most offending soul alive.
No, faith, my coz, wish not a man from England.
God's peace! I would not lose so great an honour
As one man more methinks would share from me
For the best hope I have. O, do not wish one more!
Rather proclaim it, Westmoreland, through my host,
That he which hath no stomach to this fight,
Let him depart; his passport shall be made,
And crowns for convoy put into his purse;
We would not die in that man's company
That fears his fellowship to die with us.
This day is call'd the feast of Crispian.
He that outlives this day, and comes safe home,
Will stand a tip-toe when this day is nam'd,
And rouse him at the name of Crispian.
He that shall live this day, and see old age,
Will yearly on the vigil feast his neighbours,
And say 'To-morrow is Saint Crispian.'
Then will he strip his sleeve and show his scars,
And say 'These wounds I had on Crispian's day.'
Old men forget; yet all shall be forgot,
But he'll remember, with advantages,
What feats he did that day. Then shall our names,
Familiar in his mouth as household words-
Harry the King, Bedford and Exeter,
Warwick and Talbot, Salisbury and Gloucester-
Be in their flowing cups freshly rememb'red.
This story shall the good man teach his son;
And Crispin Crispian shall ne'er go by,
From this day to the ending of the world,
But we in it shall be remembered-
We few, we happy few, we band of brothers;
For he to-day that sheds his blood with me
Shall be my brother; be he ne'er so vile,
This day shall gentle his condition;
And gentlemen in England now-a-bed
Shall think themselves accurs'd they were not here,
And hold their manhoods cheap whiles any speaks
That fought with us upon Saint Crispin's day.
Lincoln's House Divided speech:
If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could then better judge what to do, and how to do it.
We are now far into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated, with the avowed object, and confident promise, of putting an end to slavery agitation.
Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only, not ceased, but has constantly augmented.
In my opinion, it will not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached, and passed.
"A house divided against itself cannot stand."
I believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free.
I do not expect the Union to be dissolved -- I do not expect the house to fall -- but I do expect it will cease to be divided.
It will become all one thing or all the other.
Either the opponents of slavery, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new -- North as well as South.
Have we no tendency to the latter condition?
Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination -- piece of machinery so to speak -- compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also, let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidence of design and concert of action, among its chief architects, from the beginning.
But, so far, Congress only, had acted; and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for more.
The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by congressional prohibition.
Four days later, commenced the struggle, which ended in repealing that congressional prohibition.
This opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained.
This necessity had not been overlooked; but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of self government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man, choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object.
That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or state, not to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States."
Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "Squatter Sovereignty," and "Sacred right of self-government."
"But," said opposition members, "let us be more specific -- let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the territory may exclude slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment.
While the Nebraska Bill was passing through congress, a law case involving the question of a negroe's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free state and then a territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave, for a long time in each, was passing through the U.S. Circuit Court for the District of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and law suit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negroe's name was "Dred Scott," which name now designates the decision finally made in the case.
Before the then next Presidential election, the law case came to, and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requests the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter answers: "That is a question for the Supreme Court."
The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory.
The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as impressively as possible, echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the indorsement.
The Supreme Court met again; did not announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument.
The Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court; but the incoming President, in his inaugural address, fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever might be.
Then, in a few days, came the decision.
The reputed author of the Nebraska Bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott Decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it.
The new President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained.
At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska Bill, on the mere question of fact, whether the Lecompton constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas; and in that squabble the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not understand his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up, to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the public mind -- the principle for which he declares he has suffered much, and is ready to suffer to the end.
And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle, is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision, "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding -- like the mould at the foundry served through one blast and fell back into loose sand -- helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point, the right of a people to make their own constitution, upon which he and the Republicans have never differed.
The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection with Senator Douglas's "care-not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery, in its present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. The working points of that machinery are:-
First, that no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States Constitution, which declares that: "The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."
Second, that "subject to the Constitution of the United States, " neither Congress nor a Territorial legislature can exclude slavery from any United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through all the future.
Third, that whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free State makes him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made, not to be pressed immediately; but, if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott, in the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one, or one thousand slaves, in Illinois, or in any other free State.
Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mold public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up. This shows exactly where we now are; and partially, also, whither we are tending.
It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back, and run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free," subject only to the Constitution. What the Constitution had to do with it, outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche, for the Dred Scott decision to afterward come in, and declare the perfect free freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment, expressly declaring the right of the people, voted down? Plainly enough now: the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. Why was the court decision held up? Why even a Senator's individual opinion withheld, till after the presidential election? Plainly enough now- the speaking out then would have damaged the perfectly free argument upon which the election was to be carried. Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a re-argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of the decision? These things look like the cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse, preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-indorsement of the decision by the President and others?
We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places, and by different workmen- Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance-and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly matte the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortices exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different l pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece. too many or too few,-not omitting even scaffolding-or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in-in such a case we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was struck.
It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska Bill, the people of a State, as well as a Territory, were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only to the Constitution." Why mention a State? They were legislating for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United States; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely Territorial law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the court, by Chief-Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case and the separate opinions of all the concurring judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a Territorial legislature to exclude slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State, or the people of a State, to exclude it. Possibly this is a mere omission; but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to exclude slavery from their limits, just as Chase and Mace sought to get such declaration, in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the Nebraska Bill-I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been voted down in the one case as it ad been in the other? The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and almost the language, too, of the Nebraska Act. On one occasion, his exact language is, "except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery within its g jurisdiction." In what cases the power of the States is so restrained by the United States Constitution is left an open question, precisely as the same question, as to the restraint on the power of the Territories, was left open in the Nebraska Act Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche which we may ere long see filled with another Supreme Court decisions declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not wether slavery be voted down or voted up," shall gain upon he public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision an be maintained when made.
Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States. Welcome, or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri. are on the verge of making their State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation. This is what we have to do. How can we best do it ? There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends and yet whisper us softly, that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is with which to effect that object. They wish us to infer all from the fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of the dynasty; and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great man, and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion, for this work, is at least a caged and tooth. less one. How can he oppose the advances of slavery? He does not care anything about it. His avowed mission is impressing the "public heart" to care nothing about it. A leading Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching ? He has not said so. Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he resist it? For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right of white men to take negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he possibly show that it is less a sacred right to buy them where they can be bought cheapest? And unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia. He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slavery to one of a mere right of property; and as such, how can he oppose the foreign slave trade-how can he refuse that trade in that "property" shall be "perfectly free"-unless he does it as a protection to the home production? And as the home producers will probably not ask the protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition.
Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser today than he was yesterday-that he may rightfully | change when he finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer that he will make any particular change, of which he, himself, has given no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such vague inference? Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle so that our cause may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But clearly, he is not now with us-he does not pretend to be-he does not promise ever to be.
Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own undoubted friends-those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work-who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and pampered enemy. Did we brave all them to falter now?-now, when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent? The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail-if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate, or mistakes delay it, but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to come.
Gettysburg Address:
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.
Jessup's speech in A Few Good Men:
We use words like honor, code, loyalty...we use these words as the backbone to a life spent defending something. You use 'em as a punchline. I have neither the time nor the inclination to explain myself to a man who rises and sleeps under the blanket of the very freedom I provide, then questions the manner in which I provide it! I'd rather you just said thank you and went on your way. Otherwise, I suggest you pick up a weapon and stand a post. Either way, I don't give a damn what you think you're entitled to!
A pirate should interrupt your speech, and as you fence him continue giving the speech. Like The Princess Bride or something. Work in all the, "But I am not left-handed!" stuff.
Aye, fight and you may die. Run, and you'll live... at least a while. And dying in your beds, many years from now, would you be willin' to trade ALL the days, from this day to that, for one chance, just one chance, to come back here and tell our enemies that they may take our lives, but they'll never take... OUR FREEDOM!
You're my hero. I almost fell out of my chair laughing. I changed Orion and Tan Hauser (because we have a guy in the club named Ryan and Tan Hauser Gate pseudo-rhymes with our rival Appalachian State).
Also, these are great. I've pretty much adapted all of these. I wrote a paragraph with the Still Alive thing but people may not notice...which is great:
"My friends, this was a triumph. Its really hard to overstate my satisfaction. I'm not just talking about my glorious years of leadership either. Truly, every fencing practice where people trained hard, fought harder and learned to better their technique or themselves is a testimony to how great these past years have been. Sure, we've had bad times, but there's no sense crying over every mistake. We just kept on trying for everyone's sake."
(Went to App...)
I'm sorry. :P
Still work in process. Suggestions?
<CURRENT SPEECH>
Well, folks, its about that time. The transition of presidential power has begun to shift from me, your glorious leader of two years, to a one <NAME>.
I know, I know, my people. I can hear your cries - no, I can *feel* your cries. My glorious reign over the club has brought it to heights never before seen. It has brought an untold number of fencers in and out of its doors - their eyes opened and reflexes sharpened. No doubt, there is a line of future world leaders who have been inspired by my leadership.
But, I have stepped down.
Why, do you ask?
Because of America, my friends. I love America, and in America, one must not allow a popular leader - no matter how indescribably glorious they may have been - run things for indeterminate amounts of time. No doubt, if I ignored the very Constitution in which this club was founded (sorta) and ran again, I would have won unanimously.
But where would it end, my friends?
I have a dream.
A dream where young-blooded individuals can rise up to the challenges of leadership and bring this club soaring to new heights. They do this, not only as a leader.
But as a teacher.
An inspiration.
A friend.
And a fencer.
I step down to allow a new generation to step up. That is what this is about, my friends. The future generations that come through this club.
The future will probably not note nor remember what we say here, but it can never forget what I did here. It is for you the living rather to be dedicated to the unfinished work which I fought for and have so nobly advanced.
A bar has been set. And it is up to you - the next generation of this club - to meet that bar and to surpass it. If you can.
Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who died on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He simply said, "Because it is there."
Well, the bar is there, and you're going to climb it. New hopes for knowledge and victory are up there. I wish you all luck on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.
I've seen the top, my friends. I may not get there with you, but I want you to know today, that we, as a club *will* get there.
Break through the barriers. Demand respect and change the way the institution looks at our small club.
This change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time. I have done my part. You are the ones we've been waiting for.
You are the change that we need.
Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves, that if the Western Carolina University Fencing Club lasts for a thousand more years, people will still say, "This was their finest hour."
To our new president, <NAME>, I have little advice to give and I have nothing to offer but the blood, toil, tears and sweat that I have put into the growing foundation of this club. Lead as you would like to be led and be fair in all your dealings. Never demand respect because of your position - if you do, than you will never have it.
Earn This.
Always remember, the ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy. Taking up the leadership of this club is a demanding and often thankless job, but through it, you will grow and eventually stand higher than any person around you.
My friends, this was a triumph. Its really hard to overstate my satisfaction. I'm not just talking about my glorious years of leadership either. Truly, every fencing practice where people trained hard, fought harder and learned to better their technique or themselves is a testimony to how great these past years have been. Sure, we've had bad times, but there's no sense crying over every mistake. We just kept on trying for everyone's sake.
I've seen things you people wouldn't believe. Attacks counter-riposted off the shoulder of Ryan. I watched foils glitter in the darkness at Appalachian State. All those moments will be lost in time like tears in rain. Time to step down, my friends.
Two years is far too short a time to lead such excellent and admirable fencers. I have things to do, and I have put this transition off for far too long. This is the end.
I am going now.
I bid you all a very fond farewell.
Goodbye.
This is the best.
I would give you a standing ovation, from my chair here, if you were to do this.
xbl - HowYouGetAnts
steam - WeAreAllGeth
We will be united in our common interests. Perhaps it's fate that today is the Fourth of July, and you will once again be fighting for our freedom... Not from tyranny, oppression, or persecution... but from annihilation. We are fighting for our right to live. To exist. And should we win the day, the Fourth of July will no longer be known as an American holiday, but as the day the world declared in one voice: "We will not go quietly into the night!" We will not vanish without a fight! We're going to live on! We're going to survive!
Today we celebrate our Independence Day!
3DS FC: 5343-7720-0490
I will try. :^:
Youtube this.
I would watch it DAILY.
3DS FC: 5343-7720-0490
The fact that I just added a smidgen of Hitler makes this quote very necessary. High five!
"Do or do not, there is no try"
"Today is our independence day!"
"This. Is. SPARTA!"
"Dodge this."
This is the reason that I will actually be giving this speech.
Final Text?
"Well, folks, its about that time. The transition of presidential power has begun to shift from me, your glorious leader of two years, to a one <NAME>. This will be my last message to you all as President.
I know, I know, my people. I can hear your cries - no, I can *feel* your cries. My glorious reign over the club has brought it to heights never before seen. It has brought an untold number of fencers in and out of its doors - their eyes opened and reflexes sharpened. No doubt, there is a line of future world leaders who have been inspired by my glorious leadership.
But, I have stepped down.
Why, do you ask?
Because of America, my friends. I love America, and in America, one must not allow a popular leader - no matter how indescribably glorious they may have been - run things for indeterminate amounts of time. No doubt, if I ignored the very Constitution in which this club was founded (sorta) and ran again, I would have won unanimously.
But where would it end, my friends?
I have a dream.
A dream where young-blooded individuals can rise up to the challenges of leadership and bring this club soaring to new heights. They do this, not only as a leader.
But a friend.
A teacher.
A fencer.
An inspiration.
And a hero.
I step down to allow a new generation to step up. That is what this is about, my friends. The future generations that come through this club.
The future will probably not note nor remember what we say here, but it can never forget what I did here. It is for you the living rather to be dedicated to the unfinished work which I fought for and have so nobly advanced.
A bar has been set. And it is up to you - the next generation of this club - to meet that bar and to surpass it. If you can. What you do now, will echo in eternity.
Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who died on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He simply said, "Because it is there."
Well, the bar is there, and you're going to climb it. New hopes for knowledge and victory are up there. I wish you all luck on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which you have ever embarked.
I've seen the top, my friends. I may not get there with you, but I want you to know today, that we, as a club *will* get there.
Break through the barriers. Demand respect and change the way the institution looks at our small club.
This change will not come if we wait for some other person or some other time. I have done my part. You are the ones we've been waiting for.
You are the change that we need.
Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves, that if the Western Carolina University Fencing Club lasts for a thousand more years, people will still say, "This was their finest hour."
To our new president, <NAME>, I have little advice to give and I have nothing to offer but the blood, toil, tears and sweat that I have put into the growing foundation of this club. Lead as you would like to be led and be fair in all your dealings. Never demand respect because of your position - if you do, than you will never have it.
Earn This.
Always remember, the ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy. Taking up the leadership of this club is a demanding and often thankless job, but through it, you will grow and eventually stand higher than any person around you.
The doom of a club can be averted only by a storm of flowing passion. Those who are passionate themselves can arouse passion in others, and through the creation of passionate, enthusiastic fencers, this club will survive. Blood (metaphorically) alone turns the wheels of history.
My friends, this was a triumph. Its really hard to overstate my satisfaction. I'm not just talking about my glorious years of leadership either. Truly, every fencing practice where people trained hard, fought harder and learned to better their technique or themselves is a testimony to how great these past years have been. Sure, we've had bad times, but there's no sense crying over every mistake. We just kept on trying for everyone's sake.
I've seen things you people wouldn't believe. Attacks counter-riposted off the shoulder of Ryan. I watched foils glitter in the darkness at Appalachian State. All those moments may be lost in time like tears in rain.
Time to step down, my friends.
Two years is far too short a time to lead such excellent and admirable fencers. I have things to do, and I have put this transition off for far too long. This is the end.
I am going now.
I bid you all a very fond farewell.
Goodbye. "
If he only uses the pirate foe idea.. or the flying candy throwing one.
The "I have a dream" speech has been parodied and riffed so many times by so many different people I'd argue that the OP remove the reference so as to not be seen as unoriginal, not out of a, quite frankly, baseless fear of someone overreacting
Currently painting: Slowly [flickr]
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9rFx6OFooCs
Also, I second the idea where you deliver the second half while dueling someone (the incoming president, perhaps?).
Good luck!
The Division, Warframe (XB1)
GT: Tanith 6227
"I know, I know, my people. I can hear your cries...I can *feel* your pain. My gloriou" -- Say it like Clinton.
"You guys have it real easy. I never had it like this where I grew up. But I send my kids here because the fact is you go to one of the best schools in the country: Rushmore. Now, for some of you it doesn't matter. You were born rich and you’re going to stay rich. But here's my advice to the rest of you: Take dead aim on the rich boys. Get them in the crosshairs and take them down. Just remember, they can buy anything but they can't buy backbone. Don't let them forget it. Thank you."