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Coercive violence is (not) free

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  • HefflingHeffling No Pic EverRegistered User regular
    BigJoeM wrote: »
    The insurrection act still exists as an exception to Posse Comitatus

    Section 253 which was used to call in the 101st is still on the books.

    https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/insurrection-act-explained

    I stand corrected. Thank you.

  • This content has been removed.

  • Styrofoam SammichStyrofoam Sammich WANT. normal (not weird)Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    shryke wrote: »
    Aistan wrote: »
    In NYC cops regularly stand around in subway stations at night chatting and hanging out so they can get paid lots of overtime. The US military regularly gets more money than it asks for in budgets. The status quo's coercive violence is extraordinarily expensive on a daily basis in perpetuity, but it's not seen as violence because it's done via the state's monopoly on it. Whereas violence against the state is magnified above and beyond with a giant spotlight on it.



    "The ever memorable and blessed revolution, which swept a thousand years of villainy away in one swift tidal wave of blood- one: a settlement of that hoary debt in the proportion of half a drop of blood for each hogshead of it that had been pressed by slow tortures out of that people in the weary stretch of ten centuries of wrong and shame and misery the like of which was not to be mated but in hell."

    "If we really think about it, there were two Reigns of Terror; in one people were murdered in hot and passionate violence; in the other they died because people were heartless and did not care. One Reign of Terror lasted a few months; the other had lasted for a thousand years; one killed a thousand people, the other killed a hundred million people. However, we only feel horror at the French Revolution's Reign of Terror. But how bad is a quick execution, if you compare it to the slow misery of living and dying with hunger, cold, insult, cruelty and heartbreak? A city cemetery is big enough to contain all the bodies from that short Reign of Terror, but the whole country of France isn't big enough to hold the bodies from the other terror. We are taught to think of that short Terror as a truly dreadful thing that should never have happened: but none of us are taught to recognize the other terror as the real terror and to feel pity for those people."

    Sorry, what's this other terror exactly?

    Centuries of brutal, bloody, and unjust government and economics.

    Styrofoam Sammich on
    wq09t4opzrlc.jpg
  • shrykeshryke Member of the Beast Registered User regular
    shryke wrote: »
    Aistan wrote: »
    In NYC cops regularly stand around in subway stations at night chatting and hanging out so they can get paid lots of overtime. The US military regularly gets more money than it asks for in budgets. The status quo's coercive violence is extraordinarily expensive on a daily basis in perpetuity, but it's not seen as violence because it's done via the state's monopoly on it. Whereas violence against the state is magnified above and beyond with a giant spotlight on it.



    "The ever memorable and blessed revolution, which swept a thousand years of villainy away in one swift tidal wave of blood- one: a settlement of that hoary debt in the proportion of half a drop of blood for each hogshead of it that had been pressed by slow tortures out of that people in the weary stretch of ten centuries of wrong and shame and misery the like of which was not to be mated but in hell."

    "If we really think about it, there were two Reigns of Terror; in one people were murdered in hot and passionate violence; in the other they died because people were heartless and did not care. One Reign of Terror lasted a few months; the other had lasted for a thousand years; one killed a thousand people, the other killed a hundred million people. However, we only feel horror at the French Revolution's Reign of Terror. But how bad is a quick execution, if you compare it to the slow misery of living and dying with hunger, cold, insult, cruelty and heartbreak? A city cemetery is big enough to contain all the bodies from that short Reign of Terror, but the whole country of France isn't big enough to hold the bodies from the other terror. We are taught to think of that short Terror as a truly dreadful thing that should never have happened: but none of us are taught to recognize the other terror as the real terror and to feel pity for those people."

    Sorry, what's this other terror exactly?

    My read is that it’s the oppressive rule of the French Monarchy that lead up to the Revolution and following Reign of Terror

    One was violent, bloody and immediate, the other a slow burn that devoured more people over a far longer period of time.

    "Over a far longer period of time" kinda highlights one of the many problems with this kind of take.

    Kinda like saying the Holocaust isn't as bad as Monarchy so why are people going on about it so much.

  • Styrofoam SammichStyrofoam Sammich WANT. normal (not weird)Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Styrofoam Sammich on
    wq09t4opzrlc.jpg
  • shrykeshryke Member of the Beast Registered User regular
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

  • Styrofoam SammichStyrofoam Sammich WANT. normal (not weird)Registered User regular
    shryke wrote: »
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

    Not the people hes talking to Shryke.

    wq09t4opzrlc.jpg
  • shrykeshryke Member of the Beast Registered User regular
    shryke wrote: »
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

    Not the people hes talking to Shryke.

    Why are we only talking about those people? This is a lot of hedging just to try and make some random quote relevant. Or, if we're being honest, to have an excuse to say the violence that occurred during the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror specifically wasn't a problem actually.

  • lutefisklutefisk Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    lutefisk was warned for this.
    shryke wrote: »
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

    god damn you are dim

    ElJeffe on
  • Styrofoam SammichStyrofoam Sammich WANT. normal (not weird)Registered User regular
    shryke wrote: »
    shryke wrote: »
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

    Not the people hes talking to Shryke.

    Why are we only talking about those people? This is a lot of hedging just to try and make some random quote relevant. Or, if we're being honest, to have an excuse to say the violence that occurred during the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror specifically wasn't a problem actually.

    Its relevant because a lot of people view loud violent acts in a vacuum while happily overlooking violence with a comparable cost because its not disrupting them and theirs.

    wq09t4opzrlc.jpg
  • shrykeshryke Member of the Beast Registered User regular
    shryke wrote: »
    shryke wrote: »
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

    Not the people hes talking to Shryke.

    Why are we only talking about those people? This is a lot of hedging just to try and make some random quote relevant. Or, if we're being honest, to have an excuse to say the violence that occurred during the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror specifically wasn't a problem actually.

    Its relevant because a lot of people view loud violent acts in a vacuum while happily overlooking violence with a comparable cost because its not disrupting them and theirs.

    Or maybe it's because the rate of violence is way higher and the only reason the body count is lower is because it ended fairly quickly.

    The Reign of Terror ended in large part because of the level of violence involved.

  • Styrofoam SammichStyrofoam Sammich WANT. normal (not weird)Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    shryke wrote: »
    shryke wrote: »
    shryke wrote: »
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

    Not the people hes talking to Shryke.

    Why are we only talking about those people? This is a lot of hedging just to try and make some random quote relevant. Or, if we're being honest, to have an excuse to say the violence that occurred during the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror specifically wasn't a problem actually.

    Its relevant because a lot of people view loud violent acts in a vacuum while happily overlooking violence with a comparable cost because its not disrupting them and theirs.

    Or maybe it's because the rate of violence is way higher and the only reason the body count is lower is because it ended fairly quickly.

    The Reign of Terror ended in large part because of the level of violence involved.

    So did the other terror. You are aggressively trying to not understand the point here.

    If you want to avoid short sharp violent shocks pay more attention to the long quiet ones happening to other people.

    Styrofoam Sammich on
    wq09t4opzrlc.jpg
  • Havelock2.0Havelock2.0 What are you? Some kind of half-assed astronaut?Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    It boils down to different flavors of cruelty and violence and how we (as in humanity) tend to pay attention to them.

    I’m not excusing the Terror nor *looks again* Jesus Fucking Christ the Holocaust really shryke? or seeking to minimize either, but my take from that quote is that it is commentating on how we tend to pay attention to violent bloody overthrows because they are violent and bloody, while banal cruelties are violent and bloody too but not necessarily in the immediately noticeable sense that a revolution is.

    Look man I just work here

    Havelock2.0 on
    You go in the cage, cage goes in the water, you go in the water. Shark's in the water, our shark.
  • ShadowhopeShadowhope Baa. Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    shryke wrote: »
    shryke wrote: »
    shryke wrote: »
    The point to the Twain quote is that a lot of people were horrified by the relatively short period of extreme violence and never gave a shit about the centuries long period of extreme violence that quietly preceeded it, killing, maiming and impoverishing only the right people.

    Except a lot of people cared about that. There's a reason there was a revolution after all.

    Not the people hes talking to Shryke.

    Why are we only talking about those people? This is a lot of hedging just to try and make some random quote relevant. Or, if we're being honest, to have an excuse to say the violence that occurred during the French Revolution and the Reign of Terror specifically wasn't a problem actually.

    Its relevant because a lot of people view loud violent acts in a vacuum while happily overlooking violence with a comparable cost because its not disrupting them and theirs.

    Or maybe it's because the rate of violence is way higher and the only reason the body count is lower is because it ended fairly quickly.

    The Reign of Terror ended in large part because of the level of violence involved.

    So did the other terror. You are aggressively trying to not understand the point here.

    If you want to avoid short sharp violent shocks pay more attention to the long quiet ones happening to other people.

    So again, what were the long, quiet ones happening to people?

    Edit: and as for the French Revolution, it started because the 1% wanted more power and privileges, it continued because the 5% wanted more power and privileges, it accelerated and became the Terror because the 20% wanted more power and privileges, and then swiftly reversed course and devolved into the Directory because the other 80% said “OK, now what about us?”

    Shadowhope on
    Civics is not a consumer product that you can ignore because you don’t like the options presented.
  • DarkPrimusDarkPrimus Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    Heffling wrote: »
    zagdrob wrote: »
    Little Rock never would have integrated without the 101st. I mean it's hard to argue those schools weren't integrated by the overt and coercive threat those soldiers were and represented. It's hard to argue their arrival wasn't an explicit threat of violence and also a good thing.

    Violence is a tool and an important one. Swearing off all violence or willingness (or threat of) using it is just surrender to people who are willing to use it.

    Pretending all violence is bad and context doesn't matter or there is no right to self defense or defending against violent actors is silly.

    Situations can be complex, as often 'not touching you' situations create an aggressor out of the victim / defender and again, context matters. But not everyone using violence is wrong or the bad guy. But any use of violence should be subject to scrutiny.

    I think it says a lot about our history of violence that you have to go back to the 1960's to find a positive example.

    The more recent an occurrence, the more controversial it will be.

    Were those actions viewed positively at the time by most Americans? Absolutely not. But even today, if there was a poll conducted, I am not sure a majority would say it was justified.

    Here's where the friction starts to occur: Morality does not require majority consensus, and it exists independently of legality. If the majority of a country supported owning slaves, that does not mean that slavery is moral. Slavery was always immoral. Apartheid in South Africa was legal, and was always immoral.

    But I can start pointing to instances of immorality that persist, that exist in today's society. It becomes harder for people to agree on the validity of justifications when it is right in front of them.

    There are people on these very forums who think Kyle Rittenhouse was justified in his actions. Rather than extrapolating on their worldview to justify defending his actions, they fall back onto excuses about how he was found justified under the law.

    But the BLM protests were about how the law and those who ostensibly upheld it could not be relied upon to protect Black communities. It is easier for people to look at the property damage and isolated injuries at some of these protests and condemn the protests for being "violent" and breaking the law, than to grapple with the fact that these protests were against the exponential violence being committed by the state by the very systems that supposedly exist to protect us, that there has been a failure on the part of society.

    It's always more difficult to get people to grapple with the ways that society is broken when they live a relatively privileged life such that they are not personally affected by these failings. The more systemic the injustice, the larger the changes must be to redress the injustice. Unfortunately, those who enjoy a comfortable life under the status quo find the idea of changing things such that they might experience a slightly less comfortable life to be extremely undesirable, even if it would mean that the lives of many others would improve significantly.

    If those who control the levers of power are unwilling to right wrongs of their own accord, actions are sometime needed to be taken to "coerce" them into feeling uncomfortable enough with things that the necessary changes are made. These methods may include things that those comfortable consider violent, or it may involve things that are objectively violent, and whether or not any or all of the methods are justifiable is, as ever, entirely dependent on the context in which the actions take place.

    DarkPrimus on
  • FencingsaxFencingsax It is difficult to get a man to understand, when his salary depends upon his not understanding GNU Terry PratchettRegistered User regular
    edited May 2023
    Considering it's Mark Twain, he was also probably commenting about slavery, because he usually was.

    And I don't think it's about people not giving a shit, it's about people tolerating the cruelties of the day, which is not the same thing

    Fencingsax on
  • PaladinPaladin Registered User regular
    What can make things substantially easier is buy-in to a more positive framing, looking more at benefits of change than the suffering of the status quo. Violent actions are somewhat difficult to spin positively.

    Marty: The future, it's where you're going?
    Doc: That's right, twenty five years into the future. I've always dreamed on seeing the future, looking beyond my years, seeing the progress of mankind. I'll also be able to see who wins the next twenty-five world series.
  • shrykeshryke Member of the Beast Registered User regular
    It boils down to different flavors of cruelty and violence and how we (as in humanity) tend to pay attention to them.

    I’m not excusing the Terror nor *looks again* Jesus Fucking Christ the Holocaust really shryke? or seeking to minimize either, but my take from that quote is that it is commentating on how we tend to pay attention to violent bloody overthrows because they are violent and bloody, while banal cruelties are violent and bloody too but not necessarily in the immediately noticeable sense that a revolution is.

    Look man I just work here

    Banal cruelties are also just less is the point. They aren't just less noticeable. The number of people killed or whatever occur at a far slower rate so it takes a long ass time to do the same harm.

  • FeralFeral MEMETICHARIZARD interior crocodile alligator ⇔ ǝɹʇɐǝɥʇ ǝᴉʌoɯ ʇǝloɹʌǝɥɔ ɐ ǝʌᴉɹp ᴉRegistered User regular
    zagdrob wrote: »
    Heffling wrote: »
    zagdrob wrote: »
    Little Rock never would have integrated without the 101st. I mean it's hard to argue those schools weren't integrated by the overt and coercive threat those soldiers were and represented. It's hard to argue their arrival wasn't an explicit threat of violence and also a good thing.

    Violence is a tool and an important one. Swearing off all violence or willingness (or threat of) using it is just surrender to people who are willing to use it.

    Pretending all violence is bad and context doesn't matter or there is no right to self defense or defending against violent actors is silly.

    Situations can be complex, as often 'not touching you' situations create an aggressor out of the victim / defender and again, context matters. But not everyone using violence is wrong or the bad guy. But any use of violence should be subject to scrutiny.

    I think it says a lot about our history of violence that you have to go back to the 1960's to find a positive example.

    50s in that case, but I chose that example because it's about as stark and undisputable an example as you could get in living memory, not because it's the most recent.

    As Fencingsax mentioned there are other more recent examples that aren't as clear cut but still positive.

    There is also the argument that it's good these tools (violence) are rarely used because other non or less violent solutions work. Now it's arguable that these other solutions are working great, but you didn't need the 101st to escort gay couples through large violent crowds of protesters to get their marriage licenses back in 2015, so it's probably good that extreme a tool was left on the shelf (but it's existence was a tool Obama could have used if needed).

    Less extreme methods work because they're backed by a credible threat of violence. There are exceptions, of course, but most fines, fees, regulations, nudges, etc work because there is an escalation of consequences if you refuse to comply, which for the most intractable eventually means violence.

    every person who doesn't like an acquired taste always seems to think everyone who likes it is faking it. it should be an official fallacy.

    the "no true scotch man" fallacy.
  • Havelock2.0Havelock2.0 What are you? Some kind of half-assed astronaut?Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    shryke wrote: »
    It boils down to different flavors of cruelty and violence and how we (as in humanity) tend to pay attention to them.

    I’m not excusing the Terror nor *looks again* Jesus Fucking Christ the Holocaust really shryke? or seeking to minimize either, but my take from that quote is that it is commentating on how we tend to pay attention to violent bloody overthrows because they are violent and bloody, while banal cruelties are violent and bloody too but not necessarily in the immediately noticeable sense that a revolution is.

    Look man I just work here

    Banal cruelties are also just less is the point. They aren't just less noticeable. The number of people killed or whatever occur at a far slower rate so it takes a long ass time to do the same harm.

    Right. So the point as I read it that Twain was getting at is that overt violence and systemic violence are technically two sides of the same coin.

    It’s like that quote from Pratchett’s Going Postal, instead of a con man who unintentionally killed or did harm to people indirectly but killed or harmed them nonetheless through his actions, it was a prior form of governance that did it (intentionally or not) and was no less guilty than the worst theatrical excesses of the Terror. The only difference being the scale and timeframe in which those things occurred.

    Havelock2.0 on
    You go in the cage, cage goes in the water, you go in the water. Shark's in the water, our shark.
  • HefflingHeffling No Pic EverRegistered User regular
    DarkPrimus wrote: »
    Heffling wrote: »
    zagdrob wrote: »
    Little Rock never would have integrated without the 101st. I mean it's hard to argue those schools weren't integrated by the overt and coercive threat those soldiers were and represented. It's hard to argue their arrival wasn't an explicit threat of violence and also a good thing.

    Violence is a tool and an important one. Swearing off all violence or willingness (or threat of) using it is just surrender to people who are willing to use it.

    Pretending all violence is bad and context doesn't matter or there is no right to self defense or defending against violent actors is silly.

    Situations can be complex, as often 'not touching you' situations create an aggressor out of the victim / defender and again, context matters. But not everyone using violence is wrong or the bad guy. But any use of violence should be subject to scrutiny.

    I think it says a lot about our history of violence that you have to go back to the 1960's to find a positive example.

    The more recent an occurrence, the more controversial it will be.

    Were those actions viewed positively at the time by most Americans? Absolutely not. But even today, if there was a poll conducted, I am not sure a majority would say it was justified.

    Here's where the friction starts to occur: Morality does not require majority consensus, and it exists independently of legality. If the majority of a country supported owning slaves, that does not mean that slavery is moral. Slavery was always immoral. Apartheid in South Africa was legal, and was always immoral.

    But I can start pointing to instances of immorality that persist, that exist in today's society. It becomes harder for people to agree on the validity of justifications when it is right in front of them.

    There are people on these very forums who think Kyle Rittenhouse was justified in his actions. Rather than extrapolating on their worldview to justify defending his actions, they fall back onto excuses about how he was found justified under the law.

    But the BLM protests were about how the law and those who ostensibly upheld it could not be relied upon to protect Black communities. It is easier for people to look at the property damage and isolated injuries at some of these protests and condemn the protests for being "violent" and breaking the law, than to grapple with the fact that these protests were against the exponential violence being committed by the state by the very systems that supposedly exist to protect us, that there has been a failure on the part of society.

    It's always more difficult to get people to grapple with the ways that society is broken when they live a relatively privileged life such that they are not personally affected by these failings. The more systemic the injustice, the larger the changes must be to redress the injustice. Unfortunately, those who enjoy a comfortable life under the status quo find the idea of changing things such that they might experience a slightly less comfortable life to be extremely undesirable, even if it would mean that the lives of many others would improve significantly.

    If those who control the levers of power are unwilling to right wrongs of their own accord, actions are sometime needed to be taken to "coerce" them into feeling uncomfortable enough with things that the necessary changes are made. These methods may include things that those comfortable consider violent, or it may involve things that are objectively violent, and whether or not any or all of the methods are justifiable is, as ever, entirely dependent on the context in which the actions take place.

    I fully agree. The costs of coercive violence by the government are considered necessary. And there is a big blowback any time the oppressed resist, with the scale of the blowback proportional to the strength of the resistance. Mild violence against property becomes indiscriminate shooting by police into the crowds.

    If instead we had mediators focused on listening to the oppressed and acting on their complaints, we would need less violence from both sides. But that would require nonviolent intervention by the state. Which as recent protests have shown, isn't likely.

  • MonwynMonwyn Apathy's a tragedy, and boredom is a crime. A little bit of everything, all of the time.Registered User regular
    shryke wrote: »
    Aistan wrote: »
    In NYC cops regularly stand around in subway stations at night chatting and hanging out so they can get paid lots of overtime. The US military regularly gets more money than it asks for in budgets. The status quo's coercive violence is extraordinarily expensive on a daily basis in perpetuity, but it's not seen as violence because it's done via the state's monopoly on it. Whereas violence against the state is magnified above and beyond with a giant spotlight on it.



    "The ever memorable and blessed revolution, which swept a thousand years of villainy away in one swift tidal wave of blood- one: a settlement of that hoary debt in the proportion of half a drop of blood for each hogshead of it that had been pressed by slow tortures out of that people in the weary stretch of ten centuries of wrong and shame and misery the like of which was not to be mated but in hell."

    "If we really think about it, there were two Reigns of Terror; in one people were murdered in hot and passionate violence; in the other they died because people were heartless and did not care. One Reign of Terror lasted a few months; the other had lasted for a thousand years; one killed a thousand people, the other killed a hundred million people. However, we only feel horror at the French Revolution's Reign of Terror. But how bad is a quick execution, if you compare it to the slow misery of living and dying with hunger, cold, insult, cruelty and heartbreak? A city cemetery is big enough to contain all the bodies from that short Reign of Terror, but the whole country of France isn't big enough to hold the bodies from the other terror. We are taught to think of that short Terror as a truly dreadful thing that should never have happened: but none of us are taught to recognize the other terror as the real terror and to feel pity for those people."

    Sorry, what's this other terror exactly?

    Centuries of brutal, bloody, and unjust government and economics.

    Well I don't think anyone here is defending feudalism so

    uH3IcEi.png
  • CorlisCorlis Registered User regular
    I suspect that part of the reason we underestimate the cost violence is that it is a sunk cost. We've already paid to train the soldiers and buy the guns, so we assume that the money is already gone and might as well use this resources since we already paid for them. On the other hand, building housing and hiring social workers represents a new expenditure and sets off out worries about cost.

    (Of course actually using our tools for violence does actually cost us extra money beyond what we've already spent, so the logic here is flawed. Not to mention that in the long term we have the option to reduce our expenditure on weapons, though given the situation in Ukraine now might not be time...)

    But I don't mind, as long as there's a bed beneath the stars that shine,
    I'll be fine, just give me a minute, a man's got a limit, I can't get a life if my heart's not in it.
  • HefflingHeffling No Pic EverRegistered User regular
    That opinion ignores the fungability of money.

  • Typhoid MannyTyphoid Manny Registered User regular
    if you're talking about violence and coercion you gotta have definitions that make sense and cover all the bases

    "violence" isn't just physical. for example, just a hypothetical, if an industry association captures the government apparatus that's supposed to be regulating it and loosens the rules it has to abide by to the point where a train derailment or oil spill or any other type of avoidable manmade disaster is guaranteed to happen, and then it does happen, that's violence against the people who live nearby, whose livelihoods and health are directly impacted. it's a different vector from police murdering people for no reason, but it's the same fundamental thing

    "coercion" might as well be a synonym for "politics." the basic fundamental idea of politics is to develop a program you want to do and build the power to carry it out. you can gussy it up in all kinds of different ways, but political power boils down to the ability to do violence 100% of the time. you can build up popular support to a point where you don't need to do that much overt violence, but the subtext behind not just every law but everything a government ever says is "you better do what we say because we have the power to beggar you/lock you up/kill you with total impunity, there's nothing you can do about it." someone once said "political power grows out the barrel of a gun," which is as succinct way of describing this dynamic as i've ever heard. i think most of us will agree that law and morality are separate things, this is why. if political power is the ability and willingness to use violence and the threat of it to get people to do what you want (it is), there's no mechanism built in there to make sure the violence-doers are acting morally, we have to take care of that ourselves

    to be a little less long-winded, Condemning Violence doesn't really make a lot of sense to me. it's like condemning gravity, yeah it's an enormous pain in the ass at times but it's a baked-in part of how the world works. you have to account for it, best case if you try to pretend otherwise you're just making things way harder for yourself for no reason, worst case it gets you killed

    from each according to his ability, to each according to his need
    hitting hot metal with hammers
  • FeralFeral MEMETICHARIZARD interior crocodile alligator ⇔ ǝɹʇɐǝɥʇ ǝᴉʌoɯ ʇǝloɹʌǝɥɔ ɐ ǝʌᴉɹp ᴉRegistered User regular
    Heffling wrote: »
    That opinion ignores the fungability of money.

    Corlis isn't saying that sunk cost bias is rational; he's just observing that it exists and it contributes to the phenomenon we're discussing.

    every person who doesn't like an acquired taste always seems to think everyone who likes it is faking it. it should be an official fallacy.

    the "no true scotch man" fallacy.
  • KaputaKaputa Registered User regular
    edited May 2023
    While this book isn't answering the thread's main question, it is somewhat adjacent to it, in that the conversation has been circling around the relationship between inequality/oppressive hierarchies and violence. So some of its insights might be relevant to the debate I think.

    Basically, Scheidel argues that, historically speaking, drastic reduction of economic inequality has been accompanied by massive violence or death, and has rarely occurred without it.
    This explains why the two world wars were among the greatest levelers in history. The physical destruction wrought by industrial-scale warfare, confiscatory taxation, government intervention in the economy, inflation, disruption to global flows of goods and capital, and other factors all combined to wipe out elites’ wealth and redistribute resources. They also served as a uniquely powerful catalyst for equalizing policy change, providing powerful impetus to franchise extensions, unionization, and the expansion of the welfare state. The shocks of the world wars led to what is known as the “Great Compression,” massive attenuation of inequalities in income and wealth across developed countries. Mostly concentrated in the period from 1914 to 1945, it generally took several more decades fully to run its course.
    Violent societal restructuring needs to be exceptionally intense if it is to reconfigure access to material resources. Similarly to equalizing mass mobilization warfare, this was primarily a phenomenon of the twentieth century. Communists who expropriated, redistributed, and then often collectivized leveled inequality on a dramatic scale. The most transformative of these revolutions were accompanied by extraordinary violence, in the end matching the world wars in terms of body count and human misery. Far less bloody ruptures such as the French Revolution leveled on a correspondingly smaller scale.
    In agrarian societies, the loss of a sizeable share of the population to microbes, sometimes a third or even more, made labor scarce and raised its price relative to that of fixed assets and other nonhuman capital, which generally remained intact. As a result, workers gained and landlords and employers lost as real wages rose and rents fell.

    To be clear, he's not arguing that all wars and deadly pandemics in history have led to more economic equality, just that the most drastic reductions in inequality have been accompanied by such events.
    But were there also other, more peaceful mechanisms of lowering inequality? If we think of leveling on a large scale, the answer must be no. Across the full sweep of history, every single one of the major compressions of material inequality we can observe in the record was driven by one or more of these four levelers. Moreover, mass wars and revolutions did not merely act on those societies that were directly involved in these events: the world wars and exposure to communist challengers also influenced economic conditions, social expectations, and policy making among bystanders. These ripple effects further broadened the effects of leveling rooted in violent conflict.
    From antiquity to the present, land reform has tended to reduce inequality most when associated with violence or the threat of violence—and least when not... Democracy does not of itself mitigate inequality... Finally, there is no compelling empirical evidence to support the view
    that modern economic development, as such, narrows inequalities.

    Lest I be uncharitably misunderstood, I am not posting this to say that we should do massive violence because that's how to reduce economic inequality. Obviously a third world war would be bad and I would of course prefer that the transition to communism be less violent than the establishment and early decades of the USSR. But, from the perspective of mass violence as something that happens, rather than something we should or should not do, the historical relationships between violence and inequality might be worth discussing/relevant to the thread.

    edit - also, I haven't finished the book, so I don't have a fully formed opinion of his argument yet. not entirely endorsing this perspective but I think it holds at least some truth and is interesting

    Kaputa on
  • ShadowhopeShadowhope Baa. Registered User regular
    Monwyn wrote: »
    shryke wrote: »
    Aistan wrote: »
    In NYC cops regularly stand around in subway stations at night chatting and hanging out so they can get paid lots of overtime. The US military regularly gets more money than it asks for in budgets. The status quo's coercive violence is extraordinarily expensive on a daily basis in perpetuity, but it's not seen as violence because it's done via the state's monopoly on it. Whereas violence against the state is magnified above and beyond with a giant spotlight on it.



    "The ever memorable and blessed revolution, which swept a thousand years of villainy away in one swift tidal wave of blood- one: a settlement of that hoary debt in the proportion of half a drop of blood for each hogshead of it that had been pressed by slow tortures out of that people in the weary stretch of ten centuries of wrong and shame and misery the like of which was not to be mated but in hell."

    "If we really think about it, there were two Reigns of Terror; in one people were murdered in hot and passionate violence; in the other they died because people were heartless and did not care. One Reign of Terror lasted a few months; the other had lasted for a thousand years; one killed a thousand people, the other killed a hundred million people. However, we only feel horror at the French Revolution's Reign of Terror. But how bad is a quick execution, if you compare it to the slow misery of living and dying with hunger, cold, insult, cruelty and heartbreak? A city cemetery is big enough to contain all the bodies from that short Reign of Terror, but the whole country of France isn't big enough to hold the bodies from the other terror. We are taught to think of that short Terror as a truly dreadful thing that should never have happened: but none of us are taught to recognize the other terror as the real terror and to feel pity for those people."

    Sorry, what's this other terror exactly?

    Centuries of brutal, bloody, and unjust government and economics.

    Well I don't think anyone here is defending feudalism so

    Well, I have no argument for saying medieval feudalism was in any way just, because it certainly was pretty far from just, but brutal and bloody? The creation of the modern nation state made things a lot more bloody and brutal for the average person in a lot of ways. As Napoleon put it to Metternich in an example of coercive violence twenty years after the Reign of Terror, “You cannot stop me, I can spend 30,000 lives a month.” And if I was going to be poor, I’d certainly rather live on a medieval farm than in a 19th century city. I’d have cleaner surroundings, a better diet, be way less likely to be pressed into a military, and also be much less likely to be beaten to death by whomever had power locally.

    Civics is not a consumer product that you can ignore because you don’t like the options presented.
  • FeralFeral MEMETICHARIZARD interior crocodile alligator ⇔ ǝɹʇɐǝɥʇ ǝᴉʌoɯ ʇǝloɹʌǝɥɔ ɐ ǝʌᴉɹp ᴉRegistered User regular
    Kaputa wrote: »
    While this book isn't answering the thread's main question, it is somewhat adjacent to it, in that the conversation has been circling around the relationship between inequality/oppressive hierarchies and violence. So some of its insights might be relevant to the debate I think.

    Basically, Scheidel argues that, historically speaking, drastic reduction of economic inequality has been accompanied by massive violence or death, and has rarely occurred without it.
    This explains why the two world wars were among the greatest levelers in history. The physical destruction wrought by industrial-scale warfare, confiscatory taxation, government intervention in the economy, inflation, disruption to global flows of goods and capital, and other factors all combined to wipe out elites’ wealth and redistribute resources. They also served as a uniquely powerful catalyst for equalizing policy change, providing powerful impetus to franchise extensions, unionization, and the expansion of the welfare state. The shocks of the world wars led to what is known as the “Great Compression,” massive attenuation of inequalities in income and wealth across developed countries. Mostly concentrated in the period from 1914 to 1945, it generally took several more decades fully to run its course.
    Violent societal restructuring needs to be exceptionally intense if it is to reconfigure access to material resources. Similarly to equalizing mass mobilization warfare, this was primarily a phenomenon of the twentieth century. Communists who expropriated, redistributed, and then often collectivized leveled inequality on a dramatic scale. The most transformative of these revolutions were accompanied by extraordinary violence, in the end matching the world wars in terms of body count and human misery. Far less bloody ruptures such as the French Revolution leveled on a correspondingly smaller scale.
    In agrarian societies, the loss of a sizeable share of the population to microbes, sometimes a third or even more, made labor scarce and raised its price relative to that of fixed assets and other nonhuman capital, which generally remained intact. As a result, workers gained and landlords and employers lost as real wages rose and rents fell.

    To be clear, he's not arguing that all wars and deadly pandemics in history have led to more economic equality, just that the most drastic reductions in inequality have been accompanied by such events.
    But were there also other, more peaceful mechanisms of lowering inequality? If we think of leveling on a large scale, the answer must be no. Across the full sweep of history, every single one of the major compressions of material inequality we can observe in the record was driven by one or more of these four levelers. Moreover, mass wars and revolutions did not merely act on those societies that were directly involved in these events: the world wars and exposure to communist challengers also influenced economic conditions, social expectations, and policy making among bystanders. These ripple effects further broadened the effects of leveling rooted in violent conflict.
    From antiquity to the present, land reform has tended to reduce inequality most when associated with violence or the threat of violence—and least when not... Democracy does not of itself mitigate inequality... Finally, there is no compelling empirical evidence to support the view
    that modern economic development, as such, narrows inequalities.

    Lest I be uncharitably misunderstood, I am not posting this to say that we should do massive violence because that's how to reduce economic inequality. Obviously a third world war would be bad and I would of course prefer that the transition to communism be less violent than the establishment and early decades of the USSR. But, from the perspective of mass violence as something that happens, rather than something we should or should not do, the historical relationships between violence and inequality might be worth discussing/relevant to the thread.

    edit - also, I haven't finished the book, so I don't have a fully formed opinion of his argument yet. not entirely endorsing this perspective but I think it holds at least some truth and is interesting

    This is also one of Thomas Piketty's big claims - wealth tends to accumulate, and the events that have broken up that accumulation have largely been catastrophes and wars.

    every person who doesn't like an acquired taste always seems to think everyone who likes it is faking it. it should be an official fallacy.

    the "no true scotch man" fallacy.
  • PaladinPaladin Registered User regular
    Wars tend to be trades of wealth rather than redistributions, I think. Post war economic miracles are more often trying a new economy that works much better than the old one.

    Marty: The future, it's where you're going?
    Doc: That's right, twenty five years into the future. I've always dreamed on seeing the future, looking beyond my years, seeing the progress of mankind. I'll also be able to see who wins the next twenty-five world series.
  • Typhoid MannyTyphoid Manny Registered User regular
    pynchon wrote:
    Don't forget the real business of war is buying and selling. The murdering and violence are self-policing, and can be entrusted to non-professionals. The mass nature of wartime death is useful in many ways. It serves as spectacle, as diversion from the real movements of the War. It provides raw material to be recorded into History, so that children may be taught History as sequences of violence, battle after battle, and be more prepared for the adult world. Best of all, mass death's a stimolous to just ordinary folks, little fellows, to try 'n' grab a piece of that Pie while they're still here to gobble it up. The true war is a celebration of markets.

    from each according to his ability, to each according to his need
    hitting hot metal with hammers
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  • spool32spool32 Contrary Library Registered User, Transition Team regular
    zagdrob wrote: »
    Little Rock never would have integrated without the 101st. I mean it's hard to argue those schools weren't integrated by the overt and coercive threat those soldiers were and represented. It's hard to argue their arrival wasn't an explicit threat of violence and also a good thing.

    Violence is a tool and an important one. Swearing off all violence or willingness (or threat of) using it is just surrender to people who are willing to use it.

    Pretending all violence is bad and context doesn't matter or there is no right to self defense or defending against violent actors is silly.

    Situations can be complex, as often 'not touching you' situations create an aggressor out of the victim / defender and again, context matters. But not everyone using violence is wrong or the bad guy. But any use of violence should be subject to scrutiny.

    Agree: this post isn't meant to be a condemnation of all uses of violence or coercion. It's me ruminating on what I see as an economic blindspot though, and it bends right-wards: the use of force being perceived as free, or nearly so, versus any other type of alternative measure - i.e. incentive payments, housing the homeless etc.

    My thesis is that I think this is a subtle psychology: people don't grok that what they're proposing still costs money, even if you can get them to say words which agree with the notional idea. Thus having the police regularly rough up the homeless feels like it's cheap compared to actually helping the homeless on a deep and fundamental level. "Being nice" is always considered to be more expensive then "being mean".

    "If we just took the gloves off the armed forced we totally would've solved the insurgency in Iraq!"

    Opportunity cost is very challenging to explain to people in basically any context. If no cops beat up homeless people, they would all be doing something else instead and we could charitably assume it to be at least of equal value for the cost of the cop. Overall, if cops do fewer things that are a waste of money we can have fewer cops and restrict their duties to return a high value. It turns out to be cheaper for budgeting a police force if you stop as much non-value-added behavior (in this case beating up the homeless, hassling people on the street for no reason, arresting people for a roach in their ashtray, etc) as you possibly can, because the value-added behavior both happens more frequently and requires fewer officers... but this explanation just doesn't sink in most of the time.

    Efficiency reduces opportunity cost, waste increases it, in all cases. Violence has a cost just purely in the loss of the opportunity to do something else more valuable.

  • Typhoid MannyTyphoid Manny Registered User regular
    Oghulk wrote: »
    if you're talking about violence and coercion you gotta have definitions that make sense and cover all the bases

    "violence" isn't just physical. for example, just a hypothetical, if an industry association captures the government apparatus that's supposed to be regulating it and loosens the rules it has to abide by to the point where a train derailment or oil spill or any other type of avoidable manmade disaster is guaranteed to happen, and then it does happen, that's violence against the people who live nearby, whose livelihoods and health are directly impacted. it's a different vector from police murdering people for no reason, but it's the same fundamental thing

    "coercion" might as well be a synonym for "politics." the basic fundamental idea of politics is to develop a program you want to do and build the power to carry it out. you can gussy it up in all kinds of different ways, but political power boils down to the ability to do violence 100% of the time. you can build up popular support to a point where you don't need to do that much overt violence, but the subtext behind not just every law but everything a government ever says is "you better do what we say because we have the power to beggar you/lock you up/kill you with total impunity, there's nothing you can do about it." someone once said "political power grows out the barrel of a gun," which is as succinct way of describing this dynamic as i've ever heard. i think most of us will agree that law and morality are separate things, this is why. if political power is the ability and willingness to use violence and the threat of it to get people to do what you want (it is), there's no mechanism built in there to make sure the violence-doers are acting morally, we have to take care of that ourselves

    to be a little less long-winded, Condemning Violence doesn't really make a lot of sense to me. it's like condemning gravity, yeah it's an enormous pain in the ass at times but it's a baked-in part of how the world works. you have to account for it, best case if you try to pretend otherwise you're just making things way harder for yourself for no reason, worst case it gets you killed

    Government in its most reduced form is simply a monopoly on violence. There's a reason the "peaceful transition of power" has to be maintained by society -- it is in no way a natural act, a given, a default in the structures or modern society.

    yeah there's been much ink spilt about What Is A State, but even the commonly accepted liberal definition (which for my money isn't all that useful in general) has the ability to do violence to people with no recourse front and center

    and even in the phrase "peaceful transition of power," it's the transition that's peaceful, not the power

    from each according to his ability, to each according to his need
    hitting hot metal with hammers
  • LanzLanz ...Za?Registered User regular
    I don’t got much to add but this old quote from Friedrich Engels seems apropos to the status quo’s violence and how it is meted upon the populace in order to provide the wealth and luxury of the upper classes:
    When one individual inflicts bodily injury upon another such that death results, we call the deed manslaughter; when the assailant knew in advance that the injury would be fatal, we call his deed murder. But when society places hundreds of proletarians in such a position that they inevitably meet a too early and an unnatural death, one which is quite as much a death by violence as that by the sword or bullet; when it deprives thousands of the necessaries of life, places them under conditions in which they cannot live – forces them, through the strong arm of the law, to remain in such conditions until that death ensues which is the inevitable consequence – knows that these thousands of victims must perish, and yet permits these conditions to remain, its deed is murder just as surely as the deed of the single individual; disguised, malicious murder, murder against which none can defend himself, which does not seem what it is, because no man sees the murderer, because the death of the victim seems a natural one, since the offence is more one of omission than of commission. But murder it remains.

    waNkm4k.jpg?1
  • Stabbity StyleStabbity Style He/Him | Warning: Mothership Reporting Kennewick, WARegistered User regular
    Have there been any noteworthy examples of massive wealth inequality being corrected that weren't the result of at least some violence? I'm not super great at history.

    Stabbity_Style.png
  • FeralFeral MEMETICHARIZARD interior crocodile alligator ⇔ ǝɹʇɐǝɥʇ ǝᴉʌoɯ ʇǝloɹʌǝɥɔ ɐ ǝʌᴉɹp ᴉRegistered User regular
    Have there been any noteworthy examples of massive wealth inequality being corrected that weren't the result of at least some violence? I'm not super great at history.

    Not that I can think of. If you limit the scope of the word "violence" to exclude natural disasters and diseases like the black plague, then sure - natural catastrophes can (sometimes) result in redistribution. But that feels like a technical cop out.

    The fundamental problem is that the wealthy do not, generally, give up significant sums of their wealth unless threatened. Sure, you can find plenty of examples of philanthropy, but those very rarely involve transfers of large enough size to threaten the elite status of the giver (and, relatedly, rarely make a dent in the real-world systemic problems incurred by inequality).

    every person who doesn't like an acquired taste always seems to think everyone who likes it is faking it. it should be an official fallacy.

    the "no true scotch man" fallacy.
  • Typhoid MannyTyphoid Manny Registered User regular
    nothing comes to mind. i think it's a necessary condition for a real serious transfer of wealth and political power that political abuse and wealth concentration (which is itself a type of violence, probably the worst in terms of bodies stacked in history) hit a tipping point where they're not tolerable anymore to the people getting the short end of the stick. basically people decide they're willing to take a healthy risk of dying in any number of nasty ways over allowing the status quo to keep going

    from each according to his ability, to each according to his need
    hitting hot metal with hammers
  • FeralFeral MEMETICHARIZARD interior crocodile alligator ⇔ ǝɹʇɐǝɥʇ ǝᴉʌoɯ ʇǝloɹʌǝɥɔ ɐ ǝʌᴉɹp ᴉRegistered User regular
    edited May 2023
    The best case scenario for a peaceful action is a general strike. You and your compatriots have something the rich want (labor, usually, or control of natural resources) and you refuse to give them up without concessions.

    But even in that case you have to be prepared for retaliatory violence from the rich. Your strike might start out as peaceful, and your resistance passive, but you have to keep the ability to defend yourself in your back pocket. MLK carried a handgun (at least, in the years prior to his home getting firebombed, if not after). Gandhi advocated weapons training and spoke in favor of self defense.

    There's a good book about this in the context of the Black American civil rights movement, called
    This Nonviolent Stuff’ll Get You Killed
    .

    Feral on
    every person who doesn't like an acquired taste always seems to think everyone who likes it is faking it. it should be an official fallacy.

    the "no true scotch man" fallacy.
  • PolaritiePolaritie Sleepy Registered User regular
    Ultimately, breaking the rich requires using power against power. And most forms of power boil down to violence, especially the ones accessible to the underclasses.

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